Los Moriscos migrants in the Maghreb - the host structures had Peninsular Muslims in Muslim societies, especially in the Maghreb - Author: Mikel of Epalza - Source: Journal of Social Work University of Alicante
Fonte digitale. Http://www.webislam.com/?idt=14736
The current flow of labor migrants from North Africa to Western Europe-specific topic in this issue of the journal Alternatives. Social Work Papers ", University of Alicante, has been mentioned as" the return of the Moors "(Bernabé López García), referring to the recent general expulsion of Muslims from the peninsula, who had been forced to become Christians early sixteenth century and were forced to leave Spain at the beginning of XVII, ending up staying in the North African society the majority of those who managed to survive the ordeal of travel of the expulsion. " This small
estudio, se van a presentar las principales estructuras de acogida que tuvieron los musulmanes peninsulares en las sociedades musulmanas, especialmente en el Mágreb y con especial referencia a los moriscos expulsados de España a principios del siglo XVII (1609-1614)6.
Pero hay que saber situar este episodio de la historia de las migraciones mediterráneas en el contexto de su época y, en particular, de las emigraciones hispánicas en la sociedad magrebí7.
1. ESTRUCTURAS DE ACOGIDA TRADICIONALES DE LOS ANDALUSÍES EN EL MÁGREB
Sintetizando más de nueve siglos de relaciones entre Al-Ándalus y el Mágreb, «entre las dos orillas»8, como lo expresaban en árabe los medieval writers (since the arrival of the Muslims in Hispania in 711, the final expulsion in 1614), host the traditional structures of the Andalusians in North African societies are fairly constant. Will be the base-not only, as we shall see, of the host structures of the Moors, in the massive immigration that caused the great seventeenth century English expulsion.
1.1. Infraestructuctura the Islamic duty of the pilgrimage
The first thing to say is that Muslim society in general has traditionally important host infrastructure for travelers. Is a company of travelers, by the obligation of Muslims to perform la Peregrinación a La Meca (Makka), al menos una vez en la vida, si tienen la posibilidad de hacerlo'.
1.2. Carácter urbano y cosmopolita de la religión islámica
Por otra parte, la sociedad islámica, estructurada por la fe del Islam, es una sociedad urbana y comercial, que heredó de las sociedades urbanas que le precedieron (especialmente las herederas a su vez de las civilizaciones romana y persa) una importante red viaria -que supieron conservar y desarrollar- de calzadas y caminos terrestres, de navegación marítima especializada en el cabotaje y de acogida de viajeros.
Las estructuras sociales de acogida de los foráneos estaban favorecidas también por la evolución de la sociedad musulmana hacia un cosmopolitismo nuevo. La religión musulmana, sin suprimir los lazos étnicos y hasta tribales de las sociedades precedentes, desarrolló unas sociedades cosmopolitas en las ciudades de su imperio -ya desde La Meca y Medina, y a pesar de las fragmentaciones políticas-, que favorecían la insersión de los extranjeros 10.
1.3. Los andalusíes, viajeros al Mágreb y Oriente
Los andalusíes, desde sus inicios, viajaron mucho a Oriente, por mar directamente o visitando diversas regiones magrebíes (los musulmanes, porque tenían muchas veces raíces familiares en el Mágreb o en el Máshreq u Oriente árabe, o por intereses científicos y comerciales in major cities of the Maghreb, as Kairawán, Tunisia, Bona / Annaba, Buj ed / B idjaia, Tlemcen / Tlemcen, Fez, Marrakech ..., Jews, and his relations with his fellow North African or Eastern, and until the Visigoth nobles Christians of the time of conquest, who visited the caliphs of Damascus for various political, as the bishop Oppas, Princess Sara, the noble Teodomiro, etc.).
Around the pilgrimage, many Andalusian stayed in different cities of the Mashreq and Maghreb, forming colonies with special Andalusian hospitality that welcomed the new travelers from Al-Andalus. These colonies are well documented in cities such as Alexandria, Cairo, Mecca, Medina, Baghdad, Damascus, Jerusalem and the aforementioned cities of the Maghreb.
1.4. Hispanic migration by Christian conquests (ss.XII-XV)
All these were very important medieval infrastructure to accommodate the Andalusian when the progress of the Christian conquests were reducing the territories of Muslim political domination.
These achievements were moving towards the Maghreb Muslim populations, especially the Christian occupation of cities, they left without power in the Arab ruling classes. Toledo Falls (1085), Zaragoza (1118) and recent Ebro Valley cities, Tortosa and Lleida (1149), etc., began a process of migration of populations, both south of Al-Andalus as to neighboring Maghreb, especially attracted by the new seat of power, Marrakech, capital -since the mid-eleventh century the Almoravids and Almohad dynasties, who ruled what was left of the Muslim territory of Al-Andalus.
When large Christian conquest of the thirteenth century, Baleares, Valencia, Murcia, Valle del Guadalquivir, Algarve Portuguese-Andalus and emigration was massive, so the kingdom of Granada from the Moorish dynasty and, above all, the North African kingdoms post-Almohad Marrakesh, Fez, Tlemcen and Tunis. The great officers of these kingdoms were usually post-Almohad of Andalusian origin and weighed heavily in the transmission of cultural patterns in societies magrebíes12 Andalus. Throughout the thirteenth and fifteenth centuries (until the fall of the kingdom of Granada, 1482-1492) drip to the Maghreb Andalusian immigrants, both Muslim Moorish kingdom of Granada and the Moorish Muslim Christian English kingdoms, was constantly , using precisely the aforementioned host infrastructure.
migration that followed the war of conquest of Granada is known to us only in part, by the scarcity of sources and the lack of global studies scientists. Despite the large mass of immigrants, hampered by provisions of Ferdinand and Isabella (Granada noble privileges, forced conversions to Christianity, etc..) Structures insertion into the Maghreb, inherited from past centuries, had to work, because few problems adaptation are recorded in historical sources.
1.5. Emigration Peninsula to Morocco and Algeria (XVI century) A. Of the obligation or not to migrate to the territory musulmán15
The obligation not to remain in a non-Muslim and migrate it into territories where Islamic law prevails is a matter of some importance in Islam, which gives priority al vivir en una sociedad islámica, como la que creó el profeta Mahoma/Muhámmad en Medina, frente a otras posibilidades como las de las comunidades que él mismo envió desde La Meca, antes de su hégira a Medina.
La situación de musulmanes «emigrantes» a sociedades no-musulmanas se dio pronto en el Islam, por los numerosos viajeros que hacían comercio o estaban de embajadas muy oficiales -o las dos cosas a la vez- fuera de territorios gobernados por autoridades musulmanas. Cómo vivir en esas sociedades, si se mantienen en ellas los musulmanes y sus comunidades, ha dado lugar a una producción teológica islámica muy particular, con una doble tendencia: la más teórica y rigorista, defending the absolute obligation to migrate to Muslim lands, and the most realistic and permissive, which focuses on ways to live and live in societies governed by non-Muslims.
This issue was particularly important in the Muslim West, as they advanced the Christian conquests in the western Mediterranean (Sicily, Hispania). Sicilian jurist Al-Mazari, a refugee in Tunisia after the Christian conquest of the island (XI century) has left one of the most ancient texts and reasoned on the subject. Other texts declarative (fatwas) were taken after the Christian occupation of most of the territories of Al-Andalus in the middle of the thirteenth century. But it was the Christian conquest de Granada y las sucesivas obligaciones de convertirse al cristianismo de los musulmanes «mudéjares» de los reinos hispanos (Portugal, 1497; Granada, 1500; Corona de Castilla, 1502; Navarra, después de 1512; Corona de Aragón, 1526) lo que iba a agudizar la tensión entre las dos tendencias9.
Los historiadores modernos han dilucidado que estas disputas teológicas islámicas venían muy condicionadas por posturas políticas: los partidarios de la emigración obligatoria miraban el reforzamiento del Islam en los estados musulmanes del Mágreb que acogerían a esos futuros soldados, mientras que los partidarios de permanecer en las sociedades hispanas miraban las posibilidades de formar unas comunidades Muslims also Hispanic, the seed of future conversions and achievements of Islamic power in Spain.
major political topic had to be precisely the capacity of reception facilities in the Maghreb for those Muslims Hispanic societies in the sixteenth century, as seen in two well documented examples in Morocco and Algeria.
B. Tetouan military reconstruction by Granada of AlMándari
One of the most important consequences of the fall of Granada to the North African society, was the reconstruction of the city of Tetouan, the Grenadian leader Al-Mandari, who was able to attract many of his fellow migrants occupied the Nazari Kingdom of Granada.
Tetouan was-and remains-the gate of the Rif mountain region, which is south, and overlooks the coastal plain is the north by the mouth of the river and finally Ivory Ceuta peninsula, off Hispanic. For its strategic location, had been the victim of a Christian issue, in 1437, which swept, while your neighbor Ceuta was conquered by the Portuguese (1415) and would much later by the English (1640) 21.
The work of Al-Mandari was precisely to create a host structure, civil and military, in the Maghreb. Built-or rebuilt- a city with all its Islamic urban structures, the establishment of a Muslim immigrant population. But these immigrants also reinforced with defensive military structures of Maghrebi society very seriously threatened by the strong expansive power of the Hispanic kingdoms, in the Atlantic and the Mediterranean from Melilla to Tripoli, in less than fifteen Aryans.
The Lion
African, contemporary and compatriot of Al-Mandari, briefly recounts his exploits, with details that emphasize its action of reception and integration of Muslims in Al-Andalus in the Maghreb, in its military and civilian:
"... obtained permission to restore government of the city and benefit from it. Rebuilt all the walls of Tetuan, building a very strong fortress, and girded by a moat that strength, and the city wall. Then he fought constantly with the Portuguese. Often caused much harm to Ceuta and Tangier Alcazarseguer. Had, in effect, permanently get three hundred horsemen, all the flower of Granada and Granada ... This man was extremely generous to the point of hosting a foreigner who was passing through ...».
This and other examples can be seen that the structure of society to accommodate the North African Muslim immigrants from the Iberian Peninsula, at the time, was an urban structure with its cosmopolitan cities, not rural areas more or less mountainous half of the Maghreb (Algeria now) or end Maghreb (Morocco) 24. And
express or implied intention to strengthen the military structures of political power in the area, both for domestic and foreign policy.
Moroccan Andalusian in armies
Two well-known facts Moroccan military policy throughout the sixteenth and early seventeenth centuries show the importance of the military structure at the service of Muslim rulers in the phenomenon of Muslims revere Mudejar immigrants from Spain and the Moors in the neighboring Maghreb.
El primero es la participación de un cuerpo de ejército, compuesto por soldados moriscos y dirigidos por su jefe el almeriense Pachá Jáudar, en la expedición marroquí que envió el soberano Áhmad Al-Mansur Adh-Dháhabi a conquistar Tumbuctú y el cauce septentrional del río Níger. Esta expedición ha sido interpretada no sólo como una operación comercial marroquí para controlar el comercio de la sal, del oro y de otros productos subsaharianos, sino también para alejar de la corte marroquí a cuerpos de ejército poderosos, de origen extranjero y sospechosos de intervenir en las luchas políticas marroquíes. La ventaja de su fidelidad al soberano, por su origen extranjero, to dominate the Moroccan people and their groups, could become a problem if they wanted to intervene in the policy itself Moroccan leaders, leaning in favor of either side of the corte25.
Just a few decades later, just before the great expulsion of the Moors in Spain in 1609-1614, action or defection of the army corps of the Andalusians caused the negative outcome of the battle called "Three Kings" that sank the Moroccan empire into chaos and anarchy for over thirty years.
Andalusian immigrants at birth and power of Algiers Algeria
-The state, province or regency of Algiers, as it was called, synthesizes, otherwise, the same host structure elements of Muslim immigrants in Spain, which have been detected in Moroccan society, before the big final expulsion XVII century.
Algiers - "The Islets" in Arabic, or "The Rock of Algiers," as he was called in Castilian-was a negligible population at the foot of the hills by the sea, and became a great military port protected the islets before him, in the first decade of the sixteenth century. The Barbarossa brothers, architects of this transformation, they were strangers to the region and delivered to 1517 el fruto de su trabajo -la ciudad y los territorios que habían conquistado, hasta las fronteras marroquíes- a otros extranjeros, los turcos del Imperio Otomano, que desde su capital Estanbul dominaban ya Anatolia, el Oriente árabe y gran parte de los Balkanes. Era la mejor forma de atraer a los otomanos hacia el Mediterráneo occidental, para que defendieran el Mágreb islámico de las ocupaciones hispánicas ya mencionadas. Así nació el espacio político argelino moderno, a principios del siglo XVI, como ciudad-estado marítimo y con un hinterland montañoso controlado por vías de comunicación de antiplanicies y de salidas al mar por unos pocos puertos (Bona, Chichel, Bujía, Cherchel, Tenés, Mostaganem, Honéin, etc.).
Creating Algiers thus corresponds to the period of the forced conversion of Muslims in Moorish and Mudejar Hispanic quite persecuted, religiously and in their habits and customs, especially the people of Granada. The creation of this great cosmopolitan city, which attracted all kinds of Mediterranean with hope for the future, Berbers of the interior, European converts to Islam, Eastern Muslims of various backgrounds and Hispanic-Moorish emigration offered a very appropriate social structures to accommodate them.
can not describe here all the elements of these social structures. But they are very well documented about cuerpos de ejército andalusíes -ya en la tercera década del XVI-, y moriscos de las costas valencianas instalados en el puerto de Cherchel vecino de Argel y haciendo naves para las autoridades otomanas, así como toda clase de artesanos que contribuyen a la prosperidad de la capital (en la contrucción, en las nuevas conducciones de agua, en el comercio y en todo lo relativo a las artes de navegación). También puede presuponerse el inicio de la agricultura alimentaria y de la arboricultura de los andalusíes, muy bien documentadas con los poblados moriscos posteriores a la gran expulsión, en el Valle de la Mitidja que rodea a las colinas costeras de Argel26.
El paralelismo con Marruecos es evidente: ciudad nueva como Tetouan, corps land and sea in the service of Muslim political authorities-here, new, in Morocco, more traditional, and, overall, cosmopolitan urban structures are very flexible, where Muslims out of tune and where Hispanics could be inserted with relative ease English Muslim migrants, both Moors as "Old Christians" newly converted to Islam, in search of new life in this "overseas" so close.
2. HOST STRUCTURES WHEN THE GRAND FINAL IMMIGRATION
2.1. Initial rejection of the Maghreb to the Moorish society
The expulsion was very determined and organized with tanta rapidez como secreto. No se negoció el punto de destino con los países de acogida. Lo principal era su destierro o eliminación de los territorios españoles.
De ahí que la primera etapa de las expulsiones (1609) fue una chapuza oficial que degeneró en una catástrofe para los emigrantes expulsados, los valencianos. Tenían que dirigirse a los puertos magrebíes de Orán-Mazalquivir, ocupados por España desde 1505, y desde esas ciudades amuralladas ser expulsados hacia los territorios circunvecinos, ocupados por tribus seminómadas sedentarizadas y políticamente dependientes del acuartelamiento turco de Mostaganem (a unos 50 kilómetros, al este), de la ciudad de Tremecén (Tilimsán) (About 150 south) and the capital of the province or regency of Algiers vilayet (over 500 kms. In the east).
just landed, were thrown into Algerian territory, since neither the narrow peninsula of Fort Mazalquivir, nor the strength of Oran could conveniently accommodate these crowds, nor feed them. Then, rural populations, who saw their land invaded by these aliens who had no covenant, or linguistic affinity, and even cultural and sartorial, began to defend themselves and plunder ruthlessly. Not planned, nor the English side, or by Maghreb, the most basic host structure of English forced migrants. Alerted
Muslim authorities, both of Algiers as the neighboring kingdom of Morocco (about 200 kms. Oran, west), sent troops to defend the Moors, to punish the looters and those who had direct managed to escape to the Algerian and Moroccan cities, respectively.
host The fundamental structure remained, as in the past, traditional cities of Morocco and Algeria cosmopolitan and the rest of the Ottoman Empire, with its commercial and artistic abilities, the surrounding agricultural and military structures, all in need and favoring labor, especially labor specialized in many of the rich Moorish English society.
But poor initial reception, which took months to be corrected (and was cheered in Spain by Christians in favor of the expulsion as a punishment from God to Muslims cling to their Islamic faith), provoked strong reactions in Spain, where the process removal was carried out at a breakneck pace, the characteristics were fatal to the Moors, were transported to ports by their military or feudal lords, who were depleted, they embarked for Oran-Mazalquivir in military aircraft, where some (few) escavitud were reduced by the officers, or civilian auxiliary ships, coming Europe around the Mediterranean, attracted by the business, juicy if wealthy Moors were paid to be taken to Algiers and other Muslim cities (and then landed on the beach were closer Maghreb, as documented, or thrown into the sea after offal).
This circumstance led rebellions in the mountains of Valencia, the Moors who did not want to migrate to these hazardous conditions, rebellions were crushed militarily.
But on the other hand, Christian leaders, ecclesiastical and secular, were interested in the salvation of the souls of children Moors, inevitably doomed to be Muslims when they migrated to territories Islamic. Intended, therefore, they are taken from their parents expelled and their education trust whose pious Christians form part domesticity. Given the natural resistance of Muslim parents, had to be devised an intermediate: expel the Moors to European Christian lands, where they could educate their children in the Christian faith as long as they are not removed (English sources narrate piercing screams of mothers without their children to embark at the port of Seville, for example).
2.2. Expulsion for Europe: integration and Step
The reasons, briefly exposed, that they defied the emigration of Oran and other places English in the North African coast or direct shipment to Muslim countries, forced the English government to develop new routes for expulsion. These were from neighboring France or some Italian states. Still reigned in France, Henry IV, of Navarre, who had had dealings with the Moors in anti-English policy, and the ruler of Tuscany Italy planned to enrich the economic investments of some rich Moorish and a cheap labor for dried and processed into rich agricultural areas of the country's diverse wetlands.
The road to France to go to Muslim lands is documented by some travel routes of the Moors, during the XVI, which have reached us. Some Moors until they had installed on French ports and expelled the Moors helped to sail to other lands, as they had done with individual cases before the expulsion.
Because the inclusion of the Moors in French society was very difficult and only achieved in very few cases and with instability. Soon became clear that France, like Venice and Tuscany, proved a mere transit point for thousands of Moors, which are then shipped to Morocco or to the North African territories, Balkan and Anatolian Ottoman Empire.
2.3. Morocco: Marrakech capital and coastal cities de Tetuán y Salé-Rabat
La capacidad de acogida del territorio y de la sociedad marroquíes fue muy importante, pero se canalizó por las estructuras urbanas tradicionales del sultanato, sumido políticamente en una importante guerra civil.
La capital Marrakech, al sur, al pie del Atlas y no lejos del desierto sahariano, había recibido durante siglos a inmigrantes de Al-Andalus. Con la dinastía saadí había integrado a lo largo del siglo XVI numerosos moriscos, como los cuerpos de ejército ya mencionados o al conocido escritor bilingüe y diplomático granadino Áhmad Al-Háchari Bejarano29. Los inmigrantes solían desembarcar en los puertos portugueses de la costa atlántica, having relations with the capital. It is not clear whether they used the trail starts from the thousands of immigrants Moors of the great expulsion, given the chaotic political situation in the capital, in those years. Instead
is well documented the so-called Moorish Republic Rabat Salé ", which he occupied for several decades that the strategic coastal river mouth Bu-Regraga, led politically by a group of Moors, enterprising merchants, originating Hornachos Extremadura population, and specialized in Spain in the commercial trajineo. Trade in saletinos was done mostly by sea, with a complex diplomacy que intentaba contrarrestar la continua presión de los jefes locales de la región y la de los soberanos marroquíes, que acabaron sometiendo a la ciudad, superadas las guerras civiles.
Al norte, la ciudad de Tetuán y sus alrededores prosiguieron con su acción de acogida de musulmanes peninsulares, que había iniciado AlMándari, un siglo antes.
Entre Tetuán y Salé, un jefe militar de origen andalusí, Gailán, mantuvo durante décadas una lucha continua contra los portugueses y los españoles que ocupaban diversos puntos costeros. Contaba con tropas moriscas y tenía que defenderse también de la población local y de los moriscos de Tetuán y de Salé, a los que tried to gouge for the subsistence of their followers.
This situation was more or less the direct administration of the Sultanate of Marrakech to effectively take the power the new dynasty Chorfa in the middle of the century. But the status of autonomy in the periphery, to the great weight of Andalusian throughout the northwestern coast of the kingdom, helped many Moors to integrate into the society of North African sultanate, which fully assimilated, but save some Hispanic features, which have sometimes been preserved until today, also due to the continuous flow of geographical proximity to Spain.
2.4. The Ottoman Empire: Algiers Túnez, Trípoli, Egipto y el Máshrek, Estambul, Balkanes y Anatolia
El Imperio Otomano, nacido en la península de Anatolia, resurgió con tanta fuerza de la gran crisis general de Oriente Medio producida por los mongoles de Tamerlán, a principios del siglo XV, que no sólo conquistó la mítica Bizancio / Constantinopla / Estambul (1453), sino que a principios del siglo XVI se había hecho con la soberanía de casi todo el mundo árabe (menos Marruecos), desde Argelia hasta la Península de Arabia y el Irak. A lo largo de todo el siglo XVI, apoyó decisivamente a los moriscos musulmanes de España, especialmente desde su provincia (vilayet) de Argelia, aunque su eficacia no correspondiera a las esperanzas de triunfo sobre los españoles, que habían puesto en ellos los moriscos. 30
No se puede uno extender, en la brevedad de este artículo, en las estructuras de acogida del Imperio Otomano con respecto a los moriscos, ni a los numerosos estudios monográficos realizados sobre la insersión de los moriscos en Argelia y sobre todo en Tunisia33, Libia34, Egipto35 y Anatolia36. Pero sí pueden señalarse dos características generales que caracterizan al gobierno otomano en su política de acogida de los inmigrantes moriscos expulsados de España.
Primero, que hubo una política general del Imperio Otomano sobre esa insersión, desde el Mágreb a Anatolia y los Balkans, coordinated effectively from the Sublime Porte in Istanbul, as shown by Abdelmajid docuentación Temimi with ottoman.
Second, that policy was based on his experience of governing Eastern different ethnic or religious groups letting them have their own chiefs, subject to the Ottoman authorities in each province.
So the Andalusians had their "sheikh" in Tunisia, at least in Tunis and Tripoli, and his "emir sanchak" in Moorish deployments in Anatolia, in the coasts of Cilicia and at the border with persas37. But this institution or administratively, as "minority" did not succeed or the Maghreb, or East: In the Maghreb, the lack of tradition of this form of political group (with the exception of the Jews and indigenous Christians, they only in the High Middle Ages), in the rest of the Ottoman Empire probably due to the low number of Hispanic immigrants.
But mostly dominated by the Moors desire to integrate into their host societies, as believers, Muslims and Arab-speaking, increasingly ignoring other features Hispanic, limited to the awareness of Hispanic origin and some features that tradition.
2.5. Summary of migrants revere Moors, by a contemporary
A contemporary Algerian writer of the great expulsion, AlMaqqari of Tlemcen, in the end of his monumental history of the Muslims of Al-Andalus, describes the implementation of the Moors expelled in a few lines of great value synthetic: "They left thousands to Fez [Morocco] and thousands of others to Tlemcen [Algeria], from Oran, and masses of them for Tunis [Tunisia]. In its land routes, Bedouins overpowered them and people who do not fear God in the land of Tlemcen and Fez, took off their wealth and few were free from these evils which instead went to Tunis and its environs, came almost all healthy. They built
towns and villages in uninhabited areas, so did in Tetouan, Salé and The Mitidja of Algiers.
Then the Sultan of Morocco took some of them armed soldiers. Also settled in Salé. Others devoted to the noble profession of war at sea and is very famous now in defense of Islam. Salé fortified castle and there they built palaces, baths and houses, and there are now.
A group arrived in Istanbul, Egypt and Greater Syria, as well as other Muslim regions. Now so are the andalusíes40
2.6. Recent migrants to the Maghreb Moors (XVIII century) seemed
with the great "ethnic cleansing" of the expulsion of the Moors from Spain in 1609-1614, was over the lengthy period of stay of Muslims in the Iberian Peninsula and in the Iberian Peninsula: nine centuries (711-1614). Some historians (Cardaillac L., M. Garcia-Arenal, B. Vincent) have found some documents, particularly the Inquisition, in which are some Moors in the decades after the great expulsion, especially of Moorish exiles returning to Spain or are captured at sea and judged as apostate-curious logic of the inquisitorial approach, with forced baptized who had been driven not just by ser cristianos, sino musulmanes inconvertibles-, últimos emigrantes de ida y vuelta, en un azaroso Mediterráneo41.
A partir de esa época (hacia 1640, según Cardaillac42), ya sólo habría en España musulmanes esclavos, «prisioneros de guerra», hasta la supresión generalizada de la esclavitud en el siglo XIX43, viajeros (comerciantes y diplomáticos) y musulmanes españoles o establecidos en España modernamente, amparados por la libertad religiosa reconocida por los artículos 16 y 27 de la Constitución Española de 1978, por La Ley Orgánica de Libertad Religiosa (B.O.E. 20-07-1980) y específicamente por la Real Orden de 10 de noviembre de 1992, que reconoce the State Partnership Agreement with the Islamic Commission of Spain (BOE 12/11/1992), recently extended as regards the Muslim religion programs public non-university education (BOE 18/01/1996) 44. This same legislation, to preserve the privacy of religious faith in the English administrative law and not allowed to know the number of English Muslims and only about foreigners, if originating mainly populated countries musulmana45
But a curious episode in the first third of the eighteenth century (between 1727 and 1732) will renew the status of a crypto-Muslim, who had kept secret in English society granadina46. Discovered by mutual denunciations to the Inquisition, they are judged very leniently by some inquisitorial courts to draw up a compendium of Islamic beliefs, highly structured with Christian beliefs compatible with Islam, in order juzgarlos47. Mostly integrated into Christian society, with fairly mild sanctions, some of their leaders were expelled from Granada and fled to the Muslim society of the Ottoman Empire (first to Izmir, a major port in western Anatolia, and finally to Tunisia, where even today their descendants are part of a large bourgeois family in the capital, which even gave a prime minister Bey, in the forties) 48.
The text of the daily English hospital director in Tunisia, Francisco Ximénez, which informs us of the arrival of these Granada is very significant in their insertion into the Muslim society. As of July 27, 1731, said: "It's written from Smyrna to Cherif Castelli a Moza La Joa who claims to be descended from the Albencerrajes, a native of Granada, warden of the tower of olive groves and Taxales door, which was by the Inquisition of Granada Moorish punished for four years in exile and has spent with his brothers and sisters to Izmir. From there, / p, 214 / intends to come to live in this city. There will be four years that he was punished. "49
The Arabic name for the leader of this group of immigrants can make the link between Granada and their modern descendants Tunisians: Musa [Musa, Moses] The Joa ['al-ijwa "Lakhoua currently written in French, meaning" the brothers, "precisely" his brothers and sisters "of the English text, which were left as a last name]. But the text of Francisco Ximénez adds more: Granada reports that refugees in the Ottoman Empire Cherif target Castelli, great personality descendant of the Moorish Andalusian immigrants of the seventeenth century, wealthy businessman and brother of Jaznadar or finance minister or governor Bey the highly autonomous province or regency de Túnez; de ambos habla extensamente Ximénez en su diario.
Por tanto, aquí también, los emigrantes musulmanes de la Península se insertan en el Mágreb árabe gracias a la fraternidad de los andalusíes que les precedieron. Éstos lo hacen además con una solidaridad de clase, entre burgueses adinerados. Los granadinos expulsados eran emigrantes que pudieron salir con fuertes sumas de dinero, no sabemos cómo o por qué. Pero traían dinero, que invirtieron en una importante artesanía pre-industrial, la fabricación del «bonete tunecino» o «chechía», que era casi monopolio estatal llevado por los andalusíes del país, donde los Lakhoua llegaron a ser dirigentes, en el siglo XIV". El dinero fue un poderoso factor positivo de insersión para estos granadinos, como lo había sido ya antes, para los moriscos o los andalusíes en genera 51.
La conclusión de este episodio tardío de las emigraciones de musulmanes moriscos españoles permite una conclusión final: aunque las estructuras de acogida fueran generales y variadas, la actuación individual y la suerte diversa condicionaron también los resultados de la insersión, con más peso a veces que las estructuras de acogida de la sociedad receptora. Parece que es ley general de todas las emigraciones.
APÉNDICE :
REFLEXIONES SOBRE LA INSERSIÓN SOCIAL DE LOS ESPAÑOLES EN EL MÁGREB FROM THE LATE MIDDLE AGES
This text was presented in Barcelona in 1975 and published in the proceedings of the / / International Congress for the Study of Cultures Western Mediterranean, Barcelona, \u200b\u200b1978, 161-165. Given the nature and circumstances of that meeting, local and international tensions caused by the imminent death of Franco and its bloody history, this text can be regarded as virtually unprecedented. I appreciate the opportunity that allows me to publish it with full force and autobiographical, from my experience of the English labor migrant in North Africa between 1971 and 1974 in the universities of Tunis, Algiers and Oran. The Congress
devoted to Mediterranean migration is useless to study the host structures that have the sociedades50 to where they end
migrants. This communication, limited the Islamic Maghreb from the Middle Ages, attempts to reflect that reaches the modern era, from known data and without having to expose a very extensive bibliography and also well known.
Muslim society in general has a general integration structures, according to the categories of people from the Muslim believer, theoretically fully equal rights, to the infidel polytheist or idolater or renegade, absolutely devoid of rights. Además, existen en la socidad musulmana otras categorías públicas, reconocidas más o menos por la sociedad y hasta a veces por la religión y el derecho: califa, experto en religión, ricos y pobres, hombres y mujeres, profesiones diversas, niños y ancianos, etc. A cada categoría de personas corresponde una forma de inserción social o de asimilación, que repercuten en la integración de los emigrantes.
Aquí vamos a estudiar: 1° la situación general de las inserciones de españoles o extranjeros en el Mágreb islámico, y 2° preguntarnos en particular por la acogida de una categoría especial de extranjeros, que siempre ha sido difícil de situar socialmente por parte de los historiadores: los convertidos al Islam o «renegados», extranjeros que quieren vivir en el Mágreb con plenitud de derechos (profesionales, cívicos, familiares...).
I. Esquemática descripción de los grupos de emigrantes en la Edad Media
Hay que empezar tomando como base de acogida la situación de la sociedad magrebí, es decir, la sociedad de los musulmanes árabes, ya que el elemento beréber no tiene, en general, más estructuras de inserción del extranjero que las que le proporciona una sociedad de estado según el modelo árabe-islámico. Se conoce algún caso de pacto entre españoles y tribus beréberes, pero ninguno de asimilación Europeans in Berber society, at least in the Middle Ages, unless you have taken the power of Arab-Islamic.
sociolinguistic The problem also arises with a Berber ethnic element of Hispanic origin, emigrated to the Maghreb, the Moorish or Andalusian, the XVI-XVII centuries. Different customs and almost universal ignorance of the Arabic language were to form a separate group that took a while to assimilate. But when they learned the language started to form a sub-group of Arab-Islamic society in the Maghreb, in which only distinguished by their origin, Al-Andalus, that is, a territory of the Arab and Islamic world for North African consciousness. Here the common religious factor instrumental in its rapid and complete integration in the Maghreb.
Other North African subjects are integrated in a special way in the Arab-Islamic society is the Jews of the Maghreb. Differentiating factor here is not primarily linguistic, but very religious. Like all "protected" (Christians and Jews), with some social discrimination pay the price of the special preservation of their faith and their pre-Islamic traditions, within the Arab-Muslim society. Are integrated in it, but differently from the Muslims. Jews English origin were integrated to the group of North African Jews, the subjects of the Muslim states. But later came as Italian and even English subjects with unassimilated alien status.
treated as foreigners can be considered those who embrace Islam, converted or rogue called, depending on how you look. The religious factor and not that constitutes an element that prevents its integration into Muslim society and to the technical and political exercise important in it. However, they are always, and sometimes their successors-in group of "conversos" ("ilch) shifting faith. The statute is full of them Muslim reconocido en principio, con precedentes gloriosos en tiempos del Profeta Mahoma. Hay muchos españoles en este caso en el Mágreb, ya desde la Edad Media.
Dentro de la categoría de los extranjeros asimilados están las mujeres no musulmanas esposas de musulman. Si se convierten al Islam, entran en la situación general de los convertidos. Pero la religión musulmana prevé que puedan conservar su fe, aunque no la puedan trasmitir a sus descendientes que, hijos de musulmán, seguirán la religión de su padre. En los casos que conocemos de españolas casadas con musulmanes en el Mágreb, pocas eran las que conservaron su religión, hasta tiempos muy recientes.
El caso de extranjero no musulmán que se casa con una musulmana está expresamente prohibido en el Islam. Por eso no puede ser un camino de integración, sino de rechazo por parte de la sociedad islámica.
Hay otros extranjeros que no se asimilan en la sociedad islámica, pero que conviven con ella. Son los extranjeros establecidos al amparo de tratados o capitulaciones, o como viajeros protegidos por las autoridades musulmanas y las representaciones «diplomáticas» aceptadas por ellas. Esta forma de presencia hispánica en el Mágreb tuvo pecisamente su época cumbre en la baja Edad Media. Comprendía a militares al servicio de los soberanos y algunos otros «técnicos», que a veces abrazaban el Islam para poder ejercer mejor su oficio y gozar most influential and civic rights, traders, more or less stable, church, serving the Christian community or managers of hospitals and purchase of slaves themselves "diplomats" who were also traders and represented the country and defended his subjects and their interests.
Finally there are not assimilated by foreign Islamic Maghreb society: the infidel polytheists or idolaters, in general, Muslims who renounce their religion, and the enemies of Islam who are waging war against Muslim countries. The first two categories are hardly the English even if it applies to Christians often polytheistic title Trinity and has a case of North African Muslim named in English territory. Instead, all the English are included within the category of enemies of Islam that must be fought, especially if they occupy Islamic lands (Al-Andalus, Granada, plazas Maghreb). Hence the constant and deep inasimilación of places or territories occupied by Spain in the Maghreb, isolated or harassed by Muslims.
One consequence of this war is the situation of slavery, war booty from the Maghreb, made its way into North African society. Has an intermediate status between that of the polytheistic enemy of Islam (which should be killed) and the subject of 'protected' (being Christian), with some of the rights of foreigners living (diplomats, businessmen, church ...) with which it has multiple relationships.
These are, schematically, the various categories or forms of integration of foreign immigrants, particularly English, in the Islamic Maghreb. Within each group would find, of course, new subgroups, according to places and times.
2. Current survivals of these forms of integration in the Maghreb
These traditional forms of integration in the Islamic Maghreb have been greatly modified today, after the colonial parentheses under the impact of modernity and the new international relations. But they have some measure of continuity it deserves it worth noting. Let's see then what remains of these structures host of Hispanic immigrants.
No migration of English Muslims. The descendants of the Moorish or Andalusian are perfectly integrated into the Arab-Islamic Maghreb, although often remind their Hispanic origin.
Most of the Jews protected by Spain, or have availed themselves of French nationality (eg, Tunisia) or have emigrated to Spain or its territories (eg, Morocco). However, their situation in the Maghreb is no longer as discriminatory and in the Middle Ages and in theory enjoy equal civil rights with their fellow Muslims, despite the inevitable impact of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict and the weight of discriminatory lore.
non-Muslim women Muslim wives are more numerous now to preserve their religion. Saved in general also English nationality, which enjoy most of the rights of foreigners resident in the country.
The case of a non-Muslim married to a Muslim is still very difficult asimilable en el Mágreb. Si se convierte al Islam, sigue un proceso de integración familiar y social que le va insertando cada vez más en el Mágreb islámico. Si no, el fenómeno de rechazo le obliga a volver a su país, con o sin su mujer.
El caso de los extranjeros establecidos, más o menos provisionalmente, en el Mágreb se ha extendido mucho y goza de múltiples garantías internancionales, concordes con la evolución de los tiempos, pero en la misma línea de convivencia no-asimilable en la Edad Media. Esta situación tiende a asemejarse a la instalación de todos los emigrantes de un país a otro, en el mundo. Son técnicos diversos -en quienes la conversión al Islam es rarísima-; church serving the Christian communities, charities are religious-especially women-and teaching, which makes them technical reality, in public or private English company, which sometimes form technical working equipment when is not only to sell products but to sell factories and public works, usually in English-Maghreb cooperation, diplomatic or similar services, etc..
Note that medieval services, including military support, come in at more indirect, in the diplomatic or international specialized agencies and not sending troops. Also the number of travelers, tourists has increased travel facilities.
Finally, slaves spoils of war have disappeared. The international situation peace has followed the wars of colonial occupation and independence. The settlers, as a result of the political situation before, have been forced to migrate slowly due to numerous limitations that have been imposed Maghrebi laws which virtually excluded foreign real estate, mostly rural.
After this brief overview that clarifies the concepts in the analysis of situations, we may wonder better at different insertion in the Middle Ages and today, the foreigner who wants to gozar de plenitud de derechos en el Mágreb, especialmente si quiere trabajar allí como técnico con su competencia profesional. Es tema complejo, íntimamente ligado por una parte a la situación de falta de técnicos magrebíes que obliga a los diversos países magrebíes a instaurar una «cooperación técnica» con europeos después de la Independencia, y por otra parte, a la ya sensible situación de paro laboral que afecta ya a algunos sectores profesionales, empezando por la enseñanza.
Pero se puede resumir diciendo que el técnico extranjero en la Edad Media, para ejercer plenamente su trabajo y gozar de todos los derechos cívicos en el país, tenía que integrarse en la Maghrebi society by converting to Islam. This condition is not necessary now, except to marry a Muslim. That would indicate that the structure of traditional Islamic past is still in the family status in the public and professional life. But we must recognize that, fulfilling a number of freedoms that the alien is like the Maghreb, the status of foreign coach has made in society unassimilable very unstable Maghreb and its presence in the Maghreb. Until his conversion to Islam, the source of an almost complete equality of rights and full social integration in the Middle Ages, it now assures permanent placement in the Maghreb with granting of citizenship, naturalization.
can therefore conclude that "the English in the Maghreb emigrants tend to be of a single class of aliens in temporary, with full rights, but with limited integration." Mikel
Epalza was Professor of Arabic and Islamic Studies. University of Alicante.
NOTES:
1 See my little study on the passage of the Arab-Islamic notion of 'rizq "(" divine help "in travel) to the modern" risk "(" danger ") through the medieval Italian and insurance against maritime risks in the Mediterranean, M. de Epalza, «Notas sobre la etimología árabe-islámica de «riesgo»», Sharq Al-Ándalus. Estudios Árabes, Alicante, 6, 1989, 185-192.
2 «Árabes» por la lengua, «musulmanes» por la religión, los «andalusíes» de Al-Ándalus [Península Ibérica musulmana] y los «magrebíes» del Mágreb o Magreb [Noroeste de África] tenían grupos específicos: lingüísticamente, los «hispanos» que hablaban una lengua derivada del latín, llamada actualmente «lengua mozárabe», y los «beréberes» o amazigh que hablaban -y hablan aún hoy en día- diversas formas del «beréber» o «bereber»; religiosamente, también coexistieron durante muchos siglos con los «musulmanes sunníes», generalmente dominantes y cada vez más mayoritarios, comunidades reconocidas de «judíos» y de «cristianos» [llamados actualmente «mozárabes»], con otros grupos musulmanes (fatimíes y otros movimientos chiíes, jarichíes, bargawata, etc.). Ver para estas nociones, y para la realidad actual del Islam, M. de Epalza (dir.), L'Islam d'avui, de dema i de sempre, Barcelona, 1994.
3 Natural de Tánger (1304-1377), sus relatos de viaje fueron recogidos por el andalusí IbnChuzái de Granada y han sido traducidos al castellano: S. Fanjul; F. Arbós, Ibn Battuta. Through Islam, Madrid, 1981. The most important ship of the shipping Libyan named Ibn Batuta, emblematic of the Arab travel.
4 The best representative of this genre is probably the Andalusian writer, in the Valencia region, Ibn-Chub (1145-1217), whose work has also been translated into Castilian, F. Maíllo, Ibn Jubayr. Through the East. The twelfth century before our eyes. Rada, Barcelona, \u200b\u200b1988.
5 We must remember the general historical vocabulary to describe the Peninsular Muslims, "al-Andalus" or originating from Al-Andalus, Hispania Islamized or the Iberian Peninsula under the political power Muslim 'Mudejar' when living in the English Christian kingdoms (Aragon, Castile, Navarre, Portugal), in communities or "Jewish communities" officially recognized as Muslims, "Moors," when these Mudejar are forced to convert to Christianity, although Most of them remain faithful to their Islamic identity, secretly, such as crypto-Muslims. Other medieval names such as' Hagrites "," Ishmaelites "," Saracens "- designating the Muslims in general are not currently used. Nor 'Moor', by its pejorative sense.
Geographically, the Maghreb, Maghreb means any Muslim or western North Africa Western: the UMA (Arab Maghreb Union) brings together the states of Libya, Tunisia, Algeria, Morocco and Mauritania. All its inhabitants are called, therefore, "Maghreb." But sometimes there is some ambiguity in our day, because the Moroccans or "inhabitants of the Kingdom of Morocco" (name in all European languages, which comes from its traditional capital, Marrakech) called themselves "Maghreb" (named current Arab country, The United Maghreb Maghreb). The press is increasingly using "North African" to refer to the Moroccans (for example, "the passage of the North Africans in Spain" in summer) leaving the more traditional term of "Moroccan" and creating misunderstandings with other North Africans. This misunderstanding is very conscious in many Muslims in Ceuta and Melilla, "Maghreb" in Castilian and "Moroccan" in Arabic. "
on the Moors in general, see the classic synthesis of A. Domínguez Ortiz - B. Vincent, Story of the Moors. Life and Tragedy of a minority, Madrid, 1978, 1985, 1989 and M. of Epalza, The Moors before and after the expulsion, Madrid, 1992, 1994. On the expulsion, M. latest scientific contributions of Epalza (dir.), L'eject bear Moors. Consequencies islamic sermon in the sermon i Cristi, Barcelona, \u200b\u200b1994 [43 papers and communications, Castilian, Catalan, French and English]. To keep abreast of scientific literature on Moorish and Moorish contribution in the journal literature Sharq Al-Andalus. Arab Studies, University of Alicante [from vol. 1, 1984, currently with the Center for Studies with the caption Mudéjares Mudéjares and Moriscos, from vol. 12, 1995] and in the newsletter Aljamiado [in collaboration with the University of Oviedo, 1989], by Drs. LF Bernabé Pons, M. of Epalza and F. Franco Sanchez, area Arab and Islamic Studies, de la Universidad de Alicante.
Ver unas reflexiones sobre el tema en M. de Epalza, «Reflexiones sobre la insersión social de los españoles en el Mágreb a partir de la Baja Edad Media», Segundo Congreso Internacional de Estudios sobre las Culturas del Mediterráneo Occidental, Barcelona, 1978, 171-165 [reproducido como apéndice al final de este artículo]. Ver también mi participación en los dos volúmenes de Destierros aragoneses, Zaragoza, 1988, 217-227, ambos muy interesantes para nuestro tema: «Caracterización del exilio musulmán: la voz de mudéjares y moriscos».
8 Ver M. de Epalza, «Costas alicantinas y costas magrebíes: el espacio marítimo musulmán Arabic texts as "Sharq Al-Andalus. Arab Studies, 3, 1986, 25-31; 4, 1987, 4548. 9 See
ritual ceremonies in E M. Couple Islamology, Madrid, 1952-1954, Volume II, 538546; A. Machordoms Comín, The Pillars of Islam, Madrid, 1979, 60-69, and in any treatise on the rites and Islamic precepts.
10 See, for example, excellent overview of A. Hourani, History of the Arab peoples, Barcelona, \u200b\u200b1992, or specialized studies compiled by JL Corral Lafuente, M. of Epalza, The Islamic City, Zaragoza, 1991.
11 See magnificent novel that portrays rather the beginning of this exodus, Professor of Medieval History de la Universidad de Zaragoza Dr. José Luis Corral Lafuente, El Salón Dorado, Barcelona, EDHASA, 1996.
12 Ver el caso emblemático del valenciano Ibn-Al-Abbar, que intervino en la rendición de la ciudad de Valencia (1238), de cuyo soberano era ministro, y que pasó a tener varios cargos en la corte de Túnez, donde acabó condenado a muerte. Estudios variados y muy completos en M. de Epalza; J. Huguet (coords.), Ibn Al-Abbar. Polític i escriptor árab valenciá (11991260), Valencia, 1990 [17 estudios, en castellano, en catalán-valenciano y en francés]. Ver también M. de Epalza, «Las influencias de las culturas de Al-Ándalus en el Mágreb», en M.A. Roque (ed.), The cultures of the Maghreb, Madrid, 1994, 1975-1989 (trans. Catalan, in Les cultures of the Maghreb, Barcelona, \u200b\u200b1994, 63-73). 13 See two curious
autobiographical passenger pilgrims, but also with a Maghrebi installed in Aragon and prepares alfaqui Mudejar emigration and ended up staying in the kingdom of Tunis, all through Mallorca and Tortosa, M. of Epalza, "Two Moors texts bilingual (Arabic and Castilian) travel to the East (1395 and 1407-1412)", HespérisTamuda, Rabat, XX-XXI, 1982-1983, 25-112. For the last period of Mudejar Valencia before their forced conversion of 1526, see E. Salvador, "On the migration Mudejar Barbary. Legal traffic through the port of Valencia in the first quarter of the sixteenth century ', Studies, Valencia, 4, 1975, 39-68, and MD Meyerson, Els Valencia Muslim era l'i Ferran Isabel. Coexistence between the croada i, Valencia, 1994.
14 See the classic studies Ladero Quesada MA and JE López de Coca, renewed on the occasion of the commemoration of the V Centenary of collective works which have addressed these two professors of Medieval History, Complutense Universities and Malaga, respectively. 15
overviews of this problem for centuries and today, in MI Fierro, "Migration in Islam: Concepts antiguos, nuevos problemas», Awráq, Madrid, 12, 1991, 1141; K. Abou al-Fadl, «Islamic law and Muslim minorities: the juristic discourse on Muslim minorities from the second/eight to the eleventh/seventeenth centuries», !Islamic Law and Society, Leiden, 1, 1994, 141-187; A. Carmona, «Los nuevos mudéjares: la shari'a y los musulmanes en sociedades no-islámicas», en M. Abumálham (ed.), Comunidades islámicas en Europa, Madrid, 1995, 49-59.
16 Ver mi conferencia innaugural del I Coloquio «La Voz de Mudéjares y Moriscos», Universidad de Alicante (marzo 1995): M. de Epalza, «La voz oficial de los musulmanes hispanos, mudéjares y moriscos, a sus autoridades Cristian: cuatro documentos, Arabic, castellano y catalán-valenciano in "Sharq Al-Andalus ..., 12, 1995, prensa. Ver
17 AM Turki, "Legal Consultation LMAM Al-Al-Mazari on the case of Muslims living in Sicily under the Normans," Mixtures of Saint Joseph University, Beirut, L, 1984, 691 - 704, including "For or against the legality of stay of Muslims in territory reconquered by the Christians: Justification doctrinal and historical reality," Religiongesprüche im Mittelalter (B. Lewis - F. Niewöhner edits.) Wiesbaden, 1992, 305-323, confirmado in-the-práctica en el estudio de H. Bresc, "Pantelleria entre l'Islam et la Chrétienté», Les Cahiers de Tunisie, Túnez, XIX/75-76, 1971, 105-128. Reciente edición completa de las fatwas de Al-Mazari, por el profesor T. Al-Ma'múri, Fatáwá...al-Mazári, Túnez, 1994.
Ver H. Bouzineb, «Respuestas de jurisconsultos maghrebíes en torno a la inmigración de musulmanes hispánicos», Hespéris-Tamuda, Rabat, 26-27, 1988-1989, 53-66; P.S. Van Koningsveld; G.A. Wiegers, «The Islamic statute of the Mudejars in the light of a new source», Al-Qantara, Madrid, XVII/1, 1996, 19-58.
19 Ver L. Sabbagh, «La religion des Moriscos entre deux fatwas», en L. Cardaillac; B. Vincent; P. Dedieu (editores), Les Morisques et temps, París, 1983, 45-56, y trabajos anteriormente citados sobre este tema.
20 Ver G. Gozálbes Busto, Al-Mandan, El Granadino, .fundador de Tetuán, Granada, 1988, 1996.
21 Ver una excelente y reciente presentación general de la historia de Tetuán, por J.L. Miége; M. Benaboud; N. Erzini, Tétouan. Ville andalouse marocaine, París, 1996, y A. Djbilou, Tánger, puerta de África. Antología de textos literarios hispánicos, 1860-1960, Madrid, 1989. Sobre la Ceuta musulmana y sus restos arqueológicos, hasta nuestros días, excelente y también reciente estudio de C. Gozálbes Cravioto, El urbanismo religioso y cultural de Ceuta en la Edad Media, Ceuta, 1995.
22 Ver resumen de la historia de estas ocupaciones, con el catálogo y principales reproducciones hispánicas conservadas de esas ciudades, en M. de Epalza; J.B. Vilar, Planos y mapas hispánicos de Argelia (siglos XVI-XVIII), Madrid, 1988.
23 Traducción en G. Gozábes Busto, o.c., 26-27.
24 " Ver M. de Epalza, Los moriscos, antes y después..., pp. 137-258.
25 En la abundante bibliografía sobre la expedición, ver M. García-Arenal, «Los andalusíes en el ejército Sa' adi: un intento de golpe de estado contra Ahmad Al-Mansúr Al.Dhanabi (1578)», Al-Qantara, Madrid, V, 1984, I. Diadié Haidara, El bajá Yawdar y la conquista Sa'did of Songhay (1591 - 1569), Almería, 1993, and comprehensive understanding of the politics of those Moorish or Andalusian in M. Epalza, The Moors before and after ..., pp. 294-295. 26 See M.
of Epalza, The Moors before and after ..., pp. 205-259, and N. Saidouni, "Les Morisques dans la province d'Alger" Dar es-Soltan 'pendant les XVIe et XVIIe siecle', in M. of Epalza (ed.), L'exili bear Moors ..., 140-146.
27 See, for this process of expulsion H. Lapeyre, Géographie de l'expunge morisque, Paris, 1959 [English translation, no indexes, Valencia, 1986]; M. of Epalza, The Moors before ..., pp. 119-129 and M. of Epalza (ed.) Moors bear ... as well as their sources.
28 The Moors policy with France and its journey across the country, when the great final expulsion, have been studied by L. Cardaillac, G. Shall trouble-Delof and others, but very interesting little documentation (see in particular chapters and L. M. Cardaillac Epalza in Receuil d'études ..., pp. 89-113 and 150-186, respectively) 29 29 See study
C. Samelli in Receuil d'études ..., pp. 348-257; complete edition and study of autobiographical travel writing in Arabic, by M. Razuq (Casablanca, 1987) and other studies of J. Penella, C. Samelli and G. Wiegers. 30 See
documented work together, from his thesis doctoral, de G. Gozálvez Busto, «La república andaluza de Rabat en el siglo XVII», Cuadernos de la Biblioteca Española de Tetuán, Tetuán, 9-10, 1974, 7-469, y volumen en árabe de M. Razuq sobre las emigraciones de los moriscos, Casablanca, 1989.
31 Ver M. de Epalza, «Les Ottomans et l'insertion au Maghreb des Andalous expulsés d'Espagne au XVIIe siécle», Revue d'Histoire Maghrébine, Túnez, 31-32- 1983, 165-173; trabajos de A. Temimi y artículos sobre la esperanza morisca en los turcos de L. Cardaillac y M. Sánchez.
32 Ver N. As-Sa'idúni, «La colonia andalusí en Argelia: su importancia demográfica, actividad económica, situación social "Awráq, Madrid, 4, 1981, 111-124, 234 (in Arabic, with summary in Castilian), and Article.
33 Synthesis in M. of Epalza, The Moors before and after ..., 205-259; sets of monographs M. of Epalza, R. Petit (edits.), and SM Zbiss oc ... oc
34 See recent monograph by E. Lapiedra, "The Moors in Libya", L'expelling Moors bear ..., 369-371.
35 See AA Abdel-Rahim, "Al-Moriscos Settlement in Egypt Through the Religious Court Documents of The Ottoman Age ', in L'expelling Moors bear ..., 158-163. 36 See A.
Temimi, "face to Ottomane Politique et l'implanatation Morisques to l'insertion des en Anatolie», en L'expulsió deis moriscos..., 164-170.
37 Ver datos en M. de Epalza, «Moriscos y andalusíes en Túnez en el siglo XVII», Al-Andalus, Madrid, 34, 1969, 284-293, con versión en francés M. de Epalza; R. Petit, o.c., 175-181,
38 Ver A. Temimi, o.c. Tengo un pequeño estudio, a partir de los documentos publicados por Temimi, que muestra el doble carácter de las colonias moriscas según la política otomana, evidentes en el caso de Anatolia: son colonias agrícolas alrededor de las ciudades y son colonias en zonas militares de frontera, terrestre o marítima. Tendría que salir publicado en la revista Sharq Al-Ándalus. Estudios Mudéjares y Moriscos, Teruel, 13, 1996. 39 See M.
of Epalza, "Lexis and Onomastics Hispanic of the Moors, held in Tunisia", presentation by Mudéjares Studies Symposium VII (Teruel, 1996), in press. 40
translation with commentary in M. of Epalza, The Moors before and after ..., p. 148. 41 See
recent publication of B. Vincent, "Et quelques voix de plus: Francisco Núñez Muley Ratal to Fatima," Sharq Al-Andalus. Mudejar and Morisco Studies, Teruel, 12, 1995, in press. 42 See L.
Cardaillac, Moriscos and Christians: a controversial confrontation (1492-1640), Madrid, 1979. 43 See 43
their removal, at least with regard to the Moroccan and state ownership, with the actual agreements between Charles III and Sidi Muhammad Ben-Abdallah, the late eighteenth century, studied in detail by R. Lourenco and M. Arribas Palau, in an inclusive political process of peace between Spain and Muslim countries, presented by M. of Epalza 'Interests Arab and English interests in the Hispanic Muslim peace XVIII', Journal of Contemporary History, Murcia, 1, 1982, 7-17. 44 See 44
overview of the problem in M. Abumalham (ed.), Muslim Communities in Europe, Madrid, 1995. Recently, J. MORERAS, 'Les Accords de Coopération between 1' Etat Islamique Anglais et la Commission d'Espagne», Revue Européenne des Migrations Internationales, 12/1, 1996, 77-89. 45
45 Sobre los musulmanes españoles, la bibliografía es escasa: ver A. Abumálham (edit.), o.c. [especialmente capítulos de Losada, Tatary y Valencia]; M. de Epalza (dir.), L'Islam d'avui... [especialmente capítulo de Epalza y Moreras]; F. López Barrios; M. J. Haguerty, Murieron para vivir. El resurgimiento del Islam y el Sufismo en España, Barcelona, 1983; y reciente encuesta de T. Roland-Gosselin, Convertis á l'Islam. Aujourd'hui, á Séville , Paris (Fondation pour le progrés de l'homme, vol. 73), 1995 (con prólogo de M. dé Epalza, «Situations de "Conversion" dans les sociétés socioreligieuse ibériques (Ve-XXe s.) ', pp.5-13, 121-122. 46
slideshow generally well documented, Rafael de Lera García, "Crypto-Muslims to the Inquisition of Granada in the s. XVIII ', Hispania Sacra, Madrid, XXXVI, 1984, 1-55, and in his still unpublished doctoral thesis. 47
47 View this curious text, whose internal logic has not yet been sufficiently studied, Urgoiti MS Carrasco, M. of Epalza, "The manuscript" errors of the Moors of Granada "(A core criptomusulmán eighteenth century) ', Fontes Rerum Balearum, Palma de Mallorca, III, 1979-1980, 235-247.
48 » Ver M. de EPALZA, «Nuevos documentos sobre descendientes de moriscos en Túnez en el siglo XVIII», Studia historica et philologica in honorem M. Badlori, Roma, 1984, 195-228, especialmente pp. 213-4.
49 Ver nota precedente.
50 P. Teyssier, «Le vocabulaire d'origine espagnole dans l'industrie tunisienne de la chéchia», Mélanges offerts ú Marcel Bataillon par les hispanistes français, Bulletin Hispanique, Bordeaux, LXIV bis, 1962, 732-740, reproducido en M. de Epalza; R. Petit, o.c., 308-316.
51 Ver D. Brahimi, «Quelques jugements sur les Maures Andalous dans les régences turques au XVIIe siécle», Revue d'histoire et de la civilisation du Maghreb, Argel, 9, 1970, 39-51, reproducido en M. de Epalza; R. Petit, o.p., 135-149, y M. de Epalza, «Moriscos y andalusíes en Túnez en el siglo XVII», Al-Andalus, Madrid, XXVIII, 1969, 247-327, traducido en M. de Epalza; R. Petit, o.c., 150-186.
52 Estas reflexiones sobre las estructuras magrebíes para recibir a españoles o hispanos peninsulares en general, a lo largo de siglos de historia, nacieron de mis personales estancias en el Mágreb, entre 1963 y 1974, de estudios históricos generales y experiencia de la realidad social magrebí, de mis estudios y publicaciones sobre los moriscos emigrados a Túnez y del estudio del más ilustre emigrante hispano en el Mágreb el franciscano mallorquín Anselm Turmeda, converted to Islam in the late fourteenth century, Tunisian rulers officer and writer in Catalan and Arabic (with its Arabic name Abdullah At-Tarchumán), puya grave is a monument in the capital, with a plate of municipalities of Tunis and Palma de Mallorca. Was the subject of my doctoral thesis, defended at the University of Barcelona in 1967, published in Rome in 1971 and again in Madrid in 1994: Brother Anselm Turmeda (`Abdallah al-Tarjuman) and Muslim-Christian polemic.
Fonte digitale. Http://www.webislam.com/?idt=14736
The current flow of labor migrants from North Africa to Western Europe-specific topic in this issue of the journal Alternatives. Social Work Papers ", University of Alicante, has been mentioned as" the return of the Moors "(Bernabé López García), referring to the recent general expulsion of Muslims from the peninsula, who had been forced to become Christians early sixteenth century and were forced to leave Spain at the beginning of XVII, ending up staying in the North African society the majority of those who managed to survive the ordeal of travel of the expulsion. " This small
estudio, se van a presentar las principales estructuras de acogida que tuvieron los musulmanes peninsulares en las sociedades musulmanas, especialmente en el Mágreb y con especial referencia a los moriscos expulsados de España a principios del siglo XVII (1609-1614)6.
Pero hay que saber situar este episodio de la historia de las migraciones mediterráneas en el contexto de su época y, en particular, de las emigraciones hispánicas en la sociedad magrebí7.
1. ESTRUCTURAS DE ACOGIDA TRADICIONALES DE LOS ANDALUSÍES EN EL MÁGREB
Sintetizando más de nueve siglos de relaciones entre Al-Ándalus y el Mágreb, «entre las dos orillas»8, como lo expresaban en árabe los medieval writers (since the arrival of the Muslims in Hispania in 711, the final expulsion in 1614), host the traditional structures of the Andalusians in North African societies are fairly constant. Will be the base-not only, as we shall see, of the host structures of the Moors, in the massive immigration that caused the great seventeenth century English expulsion.
1.1. Infraestructuctura the Islamic duty of the pilgrimage
The first thing to say is that Muslim society in general has traditionally important host infrastructure for travelers. Is a company of travelers, by the obligation of Muslims to perform la Peregrinación a La Meca (Makka), al menos una vez en la vida, si tienen la posibilidad de hacerlo'.
1.2. Carácter urbano y cosmopolita de la religión islámica
Por otra parte, la sociedad islámica, estructurada por la fe del Islam, es una sociedad urbana y comercial, que heredó de las sociedades urbanas que le precedieron (especialmente las herederas a su vez de las civilizaciones romana y persa) una importante red viaria -que supieron conservar y desarrollar- de calzadas y caminos terrestres, de navegación marítima especializada en el cabotaje y de acogida de viajeros.
Las estructuras sociales de acogida de los foráneos estaban favorecidas también por la evolución de la sociedad musulmana hacia un cosmopolitismo nuevo. La religión musulmana, sin suprimir los lazos étnicos y hasta tribales de las sociedades precedentes, desarrolló unas sociedades cosmopolitas en las ciudades de su imperio -ya desde La Meca y Medina, y a pesar de las fragmentaciones políticas-, que favorecían la insersión de los extranjeros 10.
1.3. Los andalusíes, viajeros al Mágreb y Oriente
Los andalusíes, desde sus inicios, viajaron mucho a Oriente, por mar directamente o visitando diversas regiones magrebíes (los musulmanes, porque tenían muchas veces raíces familiares en el Mágreb o en el Máshreq u Oriente árabe, o por intereses científicos y comerciales in major cities of the Maghreb, as Kairawán, Tunisia, Bona / Annaba, Buj ed / B idjaia, Tlemcen / Tlemcen, Fez, Marrakech ..., Jews, and his relations with his fellow North African or Eastern, and until the Visigoth nobles Christians of the time of conquest, who visited the caliphs of Damascus for various political, as the bishop Oppas, Princess Sara, the noble Teodomiro, etc.).
Around the pilgrimage, many Andalusian stayed in different cities of the Mashreq and Maghreb, forming colonies with special Andalusian hospitality that welcomed the new travelers from Al-Andalus. These colonies are well documented in cities such as Alexandria, Cairo, Mecca, Medina, Baghdad, Damascus, Jerusalem and the aforementioned cities of the Maghreb.
1.4. Hispanic migration by Christian conquests (ss.XII-XV)
All these were very important medieval infrastructure to accommodate the Andalusian when the progress of the Christian conquests were reducing the territories of Muslim political domination.
These achievements were moving towards the Maghreb Muslim populations, especially the Christian occupation of cities, they left without power in the Arab ruling classes. Toledo Falls (1085), Zaragoza (1118) and recent Ebro Valley cities, Tortosa and Lleida (1149), etc., began a process of migration of populations, both south of Al-Andalus as to neighboring Maghreb, especially attracted by the new seat of power, Marrakech, capital -since the mid-eleventh century the Almoravids and Almohad dynasties, who ruled what was left of the Muslim territory of Al-Andalus.
When large Christian conquest of the thirteenth century, Baleares, Valencia, Murcia, Valle del Guadalquivir, Algarve Portuguese-Andalus and emigration was massive, so the kingdom of Granada from the Moorish dynasty and, above all, the North African kingdoms post-Almohad Marrakesh, Fez, Tlemcen and Tunis. The great officers of these kingdoms were usually post-Almohad of Andalusian origin and weighed heavily in the transmission of cultural patterns in societies magrebíes12 Andalus. Throughout the thirteenth and fifteenth centuries (until the fall of the kingdom of Granada, 1482-1492) drip to the Maghreb Andalusian immigrants, both Muslim Moorish kingdom of Granada and the Moorish Muslim Christian English kingdoms, was constantly , using precisely the aforementioned host infrastructure.
migration that followed the war of conquest of Granada is known to us only in part, by the scarcity of sources and the lack of global studies scientists. Despite the large mass of immigrants, hampered by provisions of Ferdinand and Isabella (Granada noble privileges, forced conversions to Christianity, etc..) Structures insertion into the Maghreb, inherited from past centuries, had to work, because few problems adaptation are recorded in historical sources.
1.5. Emigration Peninsula to Morocco and Algeria (XVI century) A. Of the obligation or not to migrate to the territory musulmán15
The obligation not to remain in a non-Muslim and migrate it into territories where Islamic law prevails is a matter of some importance in Islam, which gives priority al vivir en una sociedad islámica, como la que creó el profeta Mahoma/Muhámmad en Medina, frente a otras posibilidades como las de las comunidades que él mismo envió desde La Meca, antes de su hégira a Medina.
La situación de musulmanes «emigrantes» a sociedades no-musulmanas se dio pronto en el Islam, por los numerosos viajeros que hacían comercio o estaban de embajadas muy oficiales -o las dos cosas a la vez- fuera de territorios gobernados por autoridades musulmanas. Cómo vivir en esas sociedades, si se mantienen en ellas los musulmanes y sus comunidades, ha dado lugar a una producción teológica islámica muy particular, con una doble tendencia: la más teórica y rigorista, defending the absolute obligation to migrate to Muslim lands, and the most realistic and permissive, which focuses on ways to live and live in societies governed by non-Muslims.
This issue was particularly important in the Muslim West, as they advanced the Christian conquests in the western Mediterranean (Sicily, Hispania). Sicilian jurist Al-Mazari, a refugee in Tunisia after the Christian conquest of the island (XI century) has left one of the most ancient texts and reasoned on the subject. Other texts declarative (fatwas) were taken after the Christian occupation of most of the territories of Al-Andalus in the middle of the thirteenth century. But it was the Christian conquest de Granada y las sucesivas obligaciones de convertirse al cristianismo de los musulmanes «mudéjares» de los reinos hispanos (Portugal, 1497; Granada, 1500; Corona de Castilla, 1502; Navarra, después de 1512; Corona de Aragón, 1526) lo que iba a agudizar la tensión entre las dos tendencias9.
Los historiadores modernos han dilucidado que estas disputas teológicas islámicas venían muy condicionadas por posturas políticas: los partidarios de la emigración obligatoria miraban el reforzamiento del Islam en los estados musulmanes del Mágreb que acogerían a esos futuros soldados, mientras que los partidarios de permanecer en las sociedades hispanas miraban las posibilidades de formar unas comunidades Muslims also Hispanic, the seed of future conversions and achievements of Islamic power in Spain.
major political topic had to be precisely the capacity of reception facilities in the Maghreb for those Muslims Hispanic societies in the sixteenth century, as seen in two well documented examples in Morocco and Algeria.
B. Tetouan military reconstruction by Granada of AlMándari
One of the most important consequences of the fall of Granada to the North African society, was the reconstruction of the city of Tetouan, the Grenadian leader Al-Mandari, who was able to attract many of his fellow migrants occupied the Nazari Kingdom of Granada.
Tetouan was-and remains-the gate of the Rif mountain region, which is south, and overlooks the coastal plain is the north by the mouth of the river and finally Ivory Ceuta peninsula, off Hispanic. For its strategic location, had been the victim of a Christian issue, in 1437, which swept, while your neighbor Ceuta was conquered by the Portuguese (1415) and would much later by the English (1640) 21.
The work of Al-Mandari was precisely to create a host structure, civil and military, in the Maghreb. Built-or rebuilt- a city with all its Islamic urban structures, the establishment of a Muslim immigrant population. But these immigrants also reinforced with defensive military structures of Maghrebi society very seriously threatened by the strong expansive power of the Hispanic kingdoms, in the Atlantic and the Mediterranean from Melilla to Tripoli, in less than fifteen Aryans.
The Lion
African, contemporary and compatriot of Al-Mandari, briefly recounts his exploits, with details that emphasize its action of reception and integration of Muslims in Al-Andalus in the Maghreb, in its military and civilian:
"... obtained permission to restore government of the city and benefit from it. Rebuilt all the walls of Tetuan, building a very strong fortress, and girded by a moat that strength, and the city wall. Then he fought constantly with the Portuguese. Often caused much harm to Ceuta and Tangier Alcazarseguer. Had, in effect, permanently get three hundred horsemen, all the flower of Granada and Granada ... This man was extremely generous to the point of hosting a foreigner who was passing through ...».
This and other examples can be seen that the structure of society to accommodate the North African Muslim immigrants from the Iberian Peninsula, at the time, was an urban structure with its cosmopolitan cities, not rural areas more or less mountainous half of the Maghreb (Algeria now) or end Maghreb (Morocco) 24. And
express or implied intention to strengthen the military structures of political power in the area, both for domestic and foreign policy.
Moroccan Andalusian in armies
Two well-known facts Moroccan military policy throughout the sixteenth and early seventeenth centuries show the importance of the military structure at the service of Muslim rulers in the phenomenon of Muslims revere Mudejar immigrants from Spain and the Moors in the neighboring Maghreb.
El primero es la participación de un cuerpo de ejército, compuesto por soldados moriscos y dirigidos por su jefe el almeriense Pachá Jáudar, en la expedición marroquí que envió el soberano Áhmad Al-Mansur Adh-Dháhabi a conquistar Tumbuctú y el cauce septentrional del río Níger. Esta expedición ha sido interpretada no sólo como una operación comercial marroquí para controlar el comercio de la sal, del oro y de otros productos subsaharianos, sino también para alejar de la corte marroquí a cuerpos de ejército poderosos, de origen extranjero y sospechosos de intervenir en las luchas políticas marroquíes. La ventaja de su fidelidad al soberano, por su origen extranjero, to dominate the Moroccan people and their groups, could become a problem if they wanted to intervene in the policy itself Moroccan leaders, leaning in favor of either side of the corte25.
Just a few decades later, just before the great expulsion of the Moors in Spain in 1609-1614, action or defection of the army corps of the Andalusians caused the negative outcome of the battle called "Three Kings" that sank the Moroccan empire into chaos and anarchy for over thirty years.
Andalusian immigrants at birth and power of Algiers Algeria
-The state, province or regency of Algiers, as it was called, synthesizes, otherwise, the same host structure elements of Muslim immigrants in Spain, which have been detected in Moroccan society, before the big final expulsion XVII century.
Algiers - "The Islets" in Arabic, or "The Rock of Algiers," as he was called in Castilian-was a negligible population at the foot of the hills by the sea, and became a great military port protected the islets before him, in the first decade of the sixteenth century. The Barbarossa brothers, architects of this transformation, they were strangers to the region and delivered to 1517 el fruto de su trabajo -la ciudad y los territorios que habían conquistado, hasta las fronteras marroquíes- a otros extranjeros, los turcos del Imperio Otomano, que desde su capital Estanbul dominaban ya Anatolia, el Oriente árabe y gran parte de los Balkanes. Era la mejor forma de atraer a los otomanos hacia el Mediterráneo occidental, para que defendieran el Mágreb islámico de las ocupaciones hispánicas ya mencionadas. Así nació el espacio político argelino moderno, a principios del siglo XVI, como ciudad-estado marítimo y con un hinterland montañoso controlado por vías de comunicación de antiplanicies y de salidas al mar por unos pocos puertos (Bona, Chichel, Bujía, Cherchel, Tenés, Mostaganem, Honéin, etc.).
Creating Algiers thus corresponds to the period of the forced conversion of Muslims in Moorish and Mudejar Hispanic quite persecuted, religiously and in their habits and customs, especially the people of Granada. The creation of this great cosmopolitan city, which attracted all kinds of Mediterranean with hope for the future, Berbers of the interior, European converts to Islam, Eastern Muslims of various backgrounds and Hispanic-Moorish emigration offered a very appropriate social structures to accommodate them.
can not describe here all the elements of these social structures. But they are very well documented about cuerpos de ejército andalusíes -ya en la tercera década del XVI-, y moriscos de las costas valencianas instalados en el puerto de Cherchel vecino de Argel y haciendo naves para las autoridades otomanas, así como toda clase de artesanos que contribuyen a la prosperidad de la capital (en la contrucción, en las nuevas conducciones de agua, en el comercio y en todo lo relativo a las artes de navegación). También puede presuponerse el inicio de la agricultura alimentaria y de la arboricultura de los andalusíes, muy bien documentadas con los poblados moriscos posteriores a la gran expulsión, en el Valle de la Mitidja que rodea a las colinas costeras de Argel26.
El paralelismo con Marruecos es evidente: ciudad nueva como Tetouan, corps land and sea in the service of Muslim political authorities-here, new, in Morocco, more traditional, and, overall, cosmopolitan urban structures are very flexible, where Muslims out of tune and where Hispanics could be inserted with relative ease English Muslim migrants, both Moors as "Old Christians" newly converted to Islam, in search of new life in this "overseas" so close.
2. HOST STRUCTURES WHEN THE GRAND FINAL IMMIGRATION
2.1. Initial rejection of the Maghreb to the Moorish society
The expulsion was very determined and organized with tanta rapidez como secreto. No se negoció el punto de destino con los países de acogida. Lo principal era su destierro o eliminación de los territorios españoles.
De ahí que la primera etapa de las expulsiones (1609) fue una chapuza oficial que degeneró en una catástrofe para los emigrantes expulsados, los valencianos. Tenían que dirigirse a los puertos magrebíes de Orán-Mazalquivir, ocupados por España desde 1505, y desde esas ciudades amuralladas ser expulsados hacia los territorios circunvecinos, ocupados por tribus seminómadas sedentarizadas y políticamente dependientes del acuartelamiento turco de Mostaganem (a unos 50 kilómetros, al este), de la ciudad de Tremecén (Tilimsán) (About 150 south) and the capital of the province or regency of Algiers vilayet (over 500 kms. In the east).
just landed, were thrown into Algerian territory, since neither the narrow peninsula of Fort Mazalquivir, nor the strength of Oran could conveniently accommodate these crowds, nor feed them. Then, rural populations, who saw their land invaded by these aliens who had no covenant, or linguistic affinity, and even cultural and sartorial, began to defend themselves and plunder ruthlessly. Not planned, nor the English side, or by Maghreb, the most basic host structure of English forced migrants. Alerted
Muslim authorities, both of Algiers as the neighboring kingdom of Morocco (about 200 kms. Oran, west), sent troops to defend the Moors, to punish the looters and those who had direct managed to escape to the Algerian and Moroccan cities, respectively.
host The fundamental structure remained, as in the past, traditional cities of Morocco and Algeria cosmopolitan and the rest of the Ottoman Empire, with its commercial and artistic abilities, the surrounding agricultural and military structures, all in need and favoring labor, especially labor specialized in many of the rich Moorish English society.
But poor initial reception, which took months to be corrected (and was cheered in Spain by Christians in favor of the expulsion as a punishment from God to Muslims cling to their Islamic faith), provoked strong reactions in Spain, where the process removal was carried out at a breakneck pace, the characteristics were fatal to the Moors, were transported to ports by their military or feudal lords, who were depleted, they embarked for Oran-Mazalquivir in military aircraft, where some (few) escavitud were reduced by the officers, or civilian auxiliary ships, coming Europe around the Mediterranean, attracted by the business, juicy if wealthy Moors were paid to be taken to Algiers and other Muslim cities (and then landed on the beach were closer Maghreb, as documented, or thrown into the sea after offal).
This circumstance led rebellions in the mountains of Valencia, the Moors who did not want to migrate to these hazardous conditions, rebellions were crushed militarily.
But on the other hand, Christian leaders, ecclesiastical and secular, were interested in the salvation of the souls of children Moors, inevitably doomed to be Muslims when they migrated to territories Islamic. Intended, therefore, they are taken from their parents expelled and their education trust whose pious Christians form part domesticity. Given the natural resistance of Muslim parents, had to be devised an intermediate: expel the Moors to European Christian lands, where they could educate their children in the Christian faith as long as they are not removed (English sources narrate piercing screams of mothers without their children to embark at the port of Seville, for example).
2.2. Expulsion for Europe: integration and Step
The reasons, briefly exposed, that they defied the emigration of Oran and other places English in the North African coast or direct shipment to Muslim countries, forced the English government to develop new routes for expulsion. These were from neighboring France or some Italian states. Still reigned in France, Henry IV, of Navarre, who had had dealings with the Moors in anti-English policy, and the ruler of Tuscany Italy planned to enrich the economic investments of some rich Moorish and a cheap labor for dried and processed into rich agricultural areas of the country's diverse wetlands.
The road to France to go to Muslim lands is documented by some travel routes of the Moors, during the XVI, which have reached us. Some Moors until they had installed on French ports and expelled the Moors helped to sail to other lands, as they had done with individual cases before the expulsion.
Because the inclusion of the Moors in French society was very difficult and only achieved in very few cases and with instability. Soon became clear that France, like Venice and Tuscany, proved a mere transit point for thousands of Moors, which are then shipped to Morocco or to the North African territories, Balkan and Anatolian Ottoman Empire.
2.3. Morocco: Marrakech capital and coastal cities de Tetuán y Salé-Rabat
La capacidad de acogida del territorio y de la sociedad marroquíes fue muy importante, pero se canalizó por las estructuras urbanas tradicionales del sultanato, sumido políticamente en una importante guerra civil.
La capital Marrakech, al sur, al pie del Atlas y no lejos del desierto sahariano, había recibido durante siglos a inmigrantes de Al-Andalus. Con la dinastía saadí había integrado a lo largo del siglo XVI numerosos moriscos, como los cuerpos de ejército ya mencionados o al conocido escritor bilingüe y diplomático granadino Áhmad Al-Háchari Bejarano29. Los inmigrantes solían desembarcar en los puertos portugueses de la costa atlántica, having relations with the capital. It is not clear whether they used the trail starts from the thousands of immigrants Moors of the great expulsion, given the chaotic political situation in the capital, in those years. Instead
is well documented the so-called Moorish Republic Rabat Salé ", which he occupied for several decades that the strategic coastal river mouth Bu-Regraga, led politically by a group of Moors, enterprising merchants, originating Hornachos Extremadura population, and specialized in Spain in the commercial trajineo. Trade in saletinos was done mostly by sea, with a complex diplomacy que intentaba contrarrestar la continua presión de los jefes locales de la región y la de los soberanos marroquíes, que acabaron sometiendo a la ciudad, superadas las guerras civiles.
Al norte, la ciudad de Tetuán y sus alrededores prosiguieron con su acción de acogida de musulmanes peninsulares, que había iniciado AlMándari, un siglo antes.
Entre Tetuán y Salé, un jefe militar de origen andalusí, Gailán, mantuvo durante décadas una lucha continua contra los portugueses y los españoles que ocupaban diversos puntos costeros. Contaba con tropas moriscas y tenía que defenderse también de la población local y de los moriscos de Tetuán y de Salé, a los que tried to gouge for the subsistence of their followers.
This situation was more or less the direct administration of the Sultanate of Marrakech to effectively take the power the new dynasty Chorfa in the middle of the century. But the status of autonomy in the periphery, to the great weight of Andalusian throughout the northwestern coast of the kingdom, helped many Moors to integrate into the society of North African sultanate, which fully assimilated, but save some Hispanic features, which have sometimes been preserved until today, also due to the continuous flow of geographical proximity to Spain.
2.4. The Ottoman Empire: Algiers Túnez, Trípoli, Egipto y el Máshrek, Estambul, Balkanes y Anatolia
El Imperio Otomano, nacido en la península de Anatolia, resurgió con tanta fuerza de la gran crisis general de Oriente Medio producida por los mongoles de Tamerlán, a principios del siglo XV, que no sólo conquistó la mítica Bizancio / Constantinopla / Estambul (1453), sino que a principios del siglo XVI se había hecho con la soberanía de casi todo el mundo árabe (menos Marruecos), desde Argelia hasta la Península de Arabia y el Irak. A lo largo de todo el siglo XVI, apoyó decisivamente a los moriscos musulmanes de España, especialmente desde su provincia (vilayet) de Argelia, aunque su eficacia no correspondiera a las esperanzas de triunfo sobre los españoles, que habían puesto en ellos los moriscos. 30
No se puede uno extender, en la brevedad de este artículo, en las estructuras de acogida del Imperio Otomano con respecto a los moriscos, ni a los numerosos estudios monográficos realizados sobre la insersión de los moriscos en Argelia y sobre todo en Tunisia33, Libia34, Egipto35 y Anatolia36. Pero sí pueden señalarse dos características generales que caracterizan al gobierno otomano en su política de acogida de los inmigrantes moriscos expulsados de España.
Primero, que hubo una política general del Imperio Otomano sobre esa insersión, desde el Mágreb a Anatolia y los Balkans, coordinated effectively from the Sublime Porte in Istanbul, as shown by Abdelmajid docuentación Temimi with ottoman.
Second, that policy was based on his experience of governing Eastern different ethnic or religious groups letting them have their own chiefs, subject to the Ottoman authorities in each province.
So the Andalusians had their "sheikh" in Tunisia, at least in Tunis and Tripoli, and his "emir sanchak" in Moorish deployments in Anatolia, in the coasts of Cilicia and at the border with persas37. But this institution or administratively, as "minority" did not succeed or the Maghreb, or East: In the Maghreb, the lack of tradition of this form of political group (with the exception of the Jews and indigenous Christians, they only in the High Middle Ages), in the rest of the Ottoman Empire probably due to the low number of Hispanic immigrants.
But mostly dominated by the Moors desire to integrate into their host societies, as believers, Muslims and Arab-speaking, increasingly ignoring other features Hispanic, limited to the awareness of Hispanic origin and some features that tradition.
2.5. Summary of migrants revere Moors, by a contemporary
A contemporary Algerian writer of the great expulsion, AlMaqqari of Tlemcen, in the end of his monumental history of the Muslims of Al-Andalus, describes the implementation of the Moors expelled in a few lines of great value synthetic: "They left thousands to Fez [Morocco] and thousands of others to Tlemcen [Algeria], from Oran, and masses of them for Tunis [Tunisia]. In its land routes, Bedouins overpowered them and people who do not fear God in the land of Tlemcen and Fez, took off their wealth and few were free from these evils which instead went to Tunis and its environs, came almost all healthy. They built
towns and villages in uninhabited areas, so did in Tetouan, Salé and The Mitidja of Algiers.
Then the Sultan of Morocco took some of them armed soldiers. Also settled in Salé. Others devoted to the noble profession of war at sea and is very famous now in defense of Islam. Salé fortified castle and there they built palaces, baths and houses, and there are now.
A group arrived in Istanbul, Egypt and Greater Syria, as well as other Muslim regions. Now so are the andalusíes40
2.6. Recent migrants to the Maghreb Moors (XVIII century) seemed
with the great "ethnic cleansing" of the expulsion of the Moors from Spain in 1609-1614, was over the lengthy period of stay of Muslims in the Iberian Peninsula and in the Iberian Peninsula: nine centuries (711-1614). Some historians (Cardaillac L., M. Garcia-Arenal, B. Vincent) have found some documents, particularly the Inquisition, in which are some Moors in the decades after the great expulsion, especially of Moorish exiles returning to Spain or are captured at sea and judged as apostate-curious logic of the inquisitorial approach, with forced baptized who had been driven not just by ser cristianos, sino musulmanes inconvertibles-, últimos emigrantes de ida y vuelta, en un azaroso Mediterráneo41.
A partir de esa época (hacia 1640, según Cardaillac42), ya sólo habría en España musulmanes esclavos, «prisioneros de guerra», hasta la supresión generalizada de la esclavitud en el siglo XIX43, viajeros (comerciantes y diplomáticos) y musulmanes españoles o establecidos en España modernamente, amparados por la libertad religiosa reconocida por los artículos 16 y 27 de la Constitución Española de 1978, por La Ley Orgánica de Libertad Religiosa (B.O.E. 20-07-1980) y específicamente por la Real Orden de 10 de noviembre de 1992, que reconoce the State Partnership Agreement with the Islamic Commission of Spain (BOE 12/11/1992), recently extended as regards the Muslim religion programs public non-university education (BOE 18/01/1996) 44. This same legislation, to preserve the privacy of religious faith in the English administrative law and not allowed to know the number of English Muslims and only about foreigners, if originating mainly populated countries musulmana45
But a curious episode in the first third of the eighteenth century (between 1727 and 1732) will renew the status of a crypto-Muslim, who had kept secret in English society granadina46. Discovered by mutual denunciations to the Inquisition, they are judged very leniently by some inquisitorial courts to draw up a compendium of Islamic beliefs, highly structured with Christian beliefs compatible with Islam, in order juzgarlos47. Mostly integrated into Christian society, with fairly mild sanctions, some of their leaders were expelled from Granada and fled to the Muslim society of the Ottoman Empire (first to Izmir, a major port in western Anatolia, and finally to Tunisia, where even today their descendants are part of a large bourgeois family in the capital, which even gave a prime minister Bey, in the forties) 48.
The text of the daily English hospital director in Tunisia, Francisco Ximénez, which informs us of the arrival of these Granada is very significant in their insertion into the Muslim society. As of July 27, 1731, said: "It's written from Smyrna to Cherif Castelli a Moza La Joa who claims to be descended from the Albencerrajes, a native of Granada, warden of the tower of olive groves and Taxales door, which was by the Inquisition of Granada Moorish punished for four years in exile and has spent with his brothers and sisters to Izmir. From there, / p, 214 / intends to come to live in this city. There will be four years that he was punished. "49
The Arabic name for the leader of this group of immigrants can make the link between Granada and their modern descendants Tunisians: Musa [Musa, Moses] The Joa ['al-ijwa "Lakhoua currently written in French, meaning" the brothers, "precisely" his brothers and sisters "of the English text, which were left as a last name]. But the text of Francisco Ximénez adds more: Granada reports that refugees in the Ottoman Empire Cherif target Castelli, great personality descendant of the Moorish Andalusian immigrants of the seventeenth century, wealthy businessman and brother of Jaznadar or finance minister or governor Bey the highly autonomous province or regency de Túnez; de ambos habla extensamente Ximénez en su diario.
Por tanto, aquí también, los emigrantes musulmanes de la Península se insertan en el Mágreb árabe gracias a la fraternidad de los andalusíes que les precedieron. Éstos lo hacen además con una solidaridad de clase, entre burgueses adinerados. Los granadinos expulsados eran emigrantes que pudieron salir con fuertes sumas de dinero, no sabemos cómo o por qué. Pero traían dinero, que invirtieron en una importante artesanía pre-industrial, la fabricación del «bonete tunecino» o «chechía», que era casi monopolio estatal llevado por los andalusíes del país, donde los Lakhoua llegaron a ser dirigentes, en el siglo XIV". El dinero fue un poderoso factor positivo de insersión para estos granadinos, como lo había sido ya antes, para los moriscos o los andalusíes en genera 51.
La conclusión de este episodio tardío de las emigraciones de musulmanes moriscos españoles permite una conclusión final: aunque las estructuras de acogida fueran generales y variadas, la actuación individual y la suerte diversa condicionaron también los resultados de la insersión, con más peso a veces que las estructuras de acogida de la sociedad receptora. Parece que es ley general de todas las emigraciones.
APÉNDICE :
REFLEXIONES SOBRE LA INSERSIÓN SOCIAL DE LOS ESPAÑOLES EN EL MÁGREB FROM THE LATE MIDDLE AGES
This text was presented in Barcelona in 1975 and published in the proceedings of the / / International Congress for the Study of Cultures Western Mediterranean, Barcelona, \u200b\u200b1978, 161-165. Given the nature and circumstances of that meeting, local and international tensions caused by the imminent death of Franco and its bloody history, this text can be regarded as virtually unprecedented. I appreciate the opportunity that allows me to publish it with full force and autobiographical, from my experience of the English labor migrant in North Africa between 1971 and 1974 in the universities of Tunis, Algiers and Oran. The Congress
devoted to Mediterranean migration is useless to study the host structures that have the sociedades50 to where they end
migrants. This communication, limited the Islamic Maghreb from the Middle Ages, attempts to reflect that reaches the modern era, from known data and without having to expose a very extensive bibliography and also well known.
Muslim society in general has a general integration structures, according to the categories of people from the Muslim believer, theoretically fully equal rights, to the infidel polytheist or idolater or renegade, absolutely devoid of rights. Además, existen en la socidad musulmana otras categorías públicas, reconocidas más o menos por la sociedad y hasta a veces por la religión y el derecho: califa, experto en religión, ricos y pobres, hombres y mujeres, profesiones diversas, niños y ancianos, etc. A cada categoría de personas corresponde una forma de inserción social o de asimilación, que repercuten en la integración de los emigrantes.
Aquí vamos a estudiar: 1° la situación general de las inserciones de españoles o extranjeros en el Mágreb islámico, y 2° preguntarnos en particular por la acogida de una categoría especial de extranjeros, que siempre ha sido difícil de situar socialmente por parte de los historiadores: los convertidos al Islam o «renegados», extranjeros que quieren vivir en el Mágreb con plenitud de derechos (profesionales, cívicos, familiares...).
I. Esquemática descripción de los grupos de emigrantes en la Edad Media
Hay que empezar tomando como base de acogida la situación de la sociedad magrebí, es decir, la sociedad de los musulmanes árabes, ya que el elemento beréber no tiene, en general, más estructuras de inserción del extranjero que las que le proporciona una sociedad de estado según el modelo árabe-islámico. Se conoce algún caso de pacto entre españoles y tribus beréberes, pero ninguno de asimilación Europeans in Berber society, at least in the Middle Ages, unless you have taken the power of Arab-Islamic.
sociolinguistic The problem also arises with a Berber ethnic element of Hispanic origin, emigrated to the Maghreb, the Moorish or Andalusian, the XVI-XVII centuries. Different customs and almost universal ignorance of the Arabic language were to form a separate group that took a while to assimilate. But when they learned the language started to form a sub-group of Arab-Islamic society in the Maghreb, in which only distinguished by their origin, Al-Andalus, that is, a territory of the Arab and Islamic world for North African consciousness. Here the common religious factor instrumental in its rapid and complete integration in the Maghreb.
Other North African subjects are integrated in a special way in the Arab-Islamic society is the Jews of the Maghreb. Differentiating factor here is not primarily linguistic, but very religious. Like all "protected" (Christians and Jews), with some social discrimination pay the price of the special preservation of their faith and their pre-Islamic traditions, within the Arab-Muslim society. Are integrated in it, but differently from the Muslims. Jews English origin were integrated to the group of North African Jews, the subjects of the Muslim states. But later came as Italian and even English subjects with unassimilated alien status.
treated as foreigners can be considered those who embrace Islam, converted or rogue called, depending on how you look. The religious factor and not that constitutes an element that prevents its integration into Muslim society and to the technical and political exercise important in it. However, they are always, and sometimes their successors-in group of "conversos" ("ilch) shifting faith. The statute is full of them Muslim reconocido en principio, con precedentes gloriosos en tiempos del Profeta Mahoma. Hay muchos españoles en este caso en el Mágreb, ya desde la Edad Media.
Dentro de la categoría de los extranjeros asimilados están las mujeres no musulmanas esposas de musulman. Si se convierten al Islam, entran en la situación general de los convertidos. Pero la religión musulmana prevé que puedan conservar su fe, aunque no la puedan trasmitir a sus descendientes que, hijos de musulmán, seguirán la religión de su padre. En los casos que conocemos de españolas casadas con musulmanes en el Mágreb, pocas eran las que conservaron su religión, hasta tiempos muy recientes.
El caso de extranjero no musulmán que se casa con una musulmana está expresamente prohibido en el Islam. Por eso no puede ser un camino de integración, sino de rechazo por parte de la sociedad islámica.
Hay otros extranjeros que no se asimilan en la sociedad islámica, pero que conviven con ella. Son los extranjeros establecidos al amparo de tratados o capitulaciones, o como viajeros protegidos por las autoridades musulmanas y las representaciones «diplomáticas» aceptadas por ellas. Esta forma de presencia hispánica en el Mágreb tuvo pecisamente su época cumbre en la baja Edad Media. Comprendía a militares al servicio de los soberanos y algunos otros «técnicos», que a veces abrazaban el Islam para poder ejercer mejor su oficio y gozar most influential and civic rights, traders, more or less stable, church, serving the Christian community or managers of hospitals and purchase of slaves themselves "diplomats" who were also traders and represented the country and defended his subjects and their interests.
Finally there are not assimilated by foreign Islamic Maghreb society: the infidel polytheists or idolaters, in general, Muslims who renounce their religion, and the enemies of Islam who are waging war against Muslim countries. The first two categories are hardly the English even if it applies to Christians often polytheistic title Trinity and has a case of North African Muslim named in English territory. Instead, all the English are included within the category of enemies of Islam that must be fought, especially if they occupy Islamic lands (Al-Andalus, Granada, plazas Maghreb). Hence the constant and deep inasimilación of places or territories occupied by Spain in the Maghreb, isolated or harassed by Muslims.
One consequence of this war is the situation of slavery, war booty from the Maghreb, made its way into North African society. Has an intermediate status between that of the polytheistic enemy of Islam (which should be killed) and the subject of 'protected' (being Christian), with some of the rights of foreigners living (diplomats, businessmen, church ...) with which it has multiple relationships.
These are, schematically, the various categories or forms of integration of foreign immigrants, particularly English, in the Islamic Maghreb. Within each group would find, of course, new subgroups, according to places and times.
2. Current survivals of these forms of integration in the Maghreb
These traditional forms of integration in the Islamic Maghreb have been greatly modified today, after the colonial parentheses under the impact of modernity and the new international relations. But they have some measure of continuity it deserves it worth noting. Let's see then what remains of these structures host of Hispanic immigrants.
No migration of English Muslims. The descendants of the Moorish or Andalusian are perfectly integrated into the Arab-Islamic Maghreb, although often remind their Hispanic origin.
Most of the Jews protected by Spain, or have availed themselves of French nationality (eg, Tunisia) or have emigrated to Spain or its territories (eg, Morocco). However, their situation in the Maghreb is no longer as discriminatory and in the Middle Ages and in theory enjoy equal civil rights with their fellow Muslims, despite the inevitable impact of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict and the weight of discriminatory lore.
non-Muslim women Muslim wives are more numerous now to preserve their religion. Saved in general also English nationality, which enjoy most of the rights of foreigners resident in the country.
The case of a non-Muslim married to a Muslim is still very difficult asimilable en el Mágreb. Si se convierte al Islam, sigue un proceso de integración familiar y social que le va insertando cada vez más en el Mágreb islámico. Si no, el fenómeno de rechazo le obliga a volver a su país, con o sin su mujer.
El caso de los extranjeros establecidos, más o menos provisionalmente, en el Mágreb se ha extendido mucho y goza de múltiples garantías internancionales, concordes con la evolución de los tiempos, pero en la misma línea de convivencia no-asimilable en la Edad Media. Esta situación tiende a asemejarse a la instalación de todos los emigrantes de un país a otro, en el mundo. Son técnicos diversos -en quienes la conversión al Islam es rarísima-; church serving the Christian communities, charities are religious-especially women-and teaching, which makes them technical reality, in public or private English company, which sometimes form technical working equipment when is not only to sell products but to sell factories and public works, usually in English-Maghreb cooperation, diplomatic or similar services, etc..
Note that medieval services, including military support, come in at more indirect, in the diplomatic or international specialized agencies and not sending troops. Also the number of travelers, tourists has increased travel facilities.
Finally, slaves spoils of war have disappeared. The international situation peace has followed the wars of colonial occupation and independence. The settlers, as a result of the political situation before, have been forced to migrate slowly due to numerous limitations that have been imposed Maghrebi laws which virtually excluded foreign real estate, mostly rural.
After this brief overview that clarifies the concepts in the analysis of situations, we may wonder better at different insertion in the Middle Ages and today, the foreigner who wants to gozar de plenitud de derechos en el Mágreb, especialmente si quiere trabajar allí como técnico con su competencia profesional. Es tema complejo, íntimamente ligado por una parte a la situación de falta de técnicos magrebíes que obliga a los diversos países magrebíes a instaurar una «cooperación técnica» con europeos después de la Independencia, y por otra parte, a la ya sensible situación de paro laboral que afecta ya a algunos sectores profesionales, empezando por la enseñanza.
Pero se puede resumir diciendo que el técnico extranjero en la Edad Media, para ejercer plenamente su trabajo y gozar de todos los derechos cívicos en el país, tenía que integrarse en la Maghrebi society by converting to Islam. This condition is not necessary now, except to marry a Muslim. That would indicate that the structure of traditional Islamic past is still in the family status in the public and professional life. But we must recognize that, fulfilling a number of freedoms that the alien is like the Maghreb, the status of foreign coach has made in society unassimilable very unstable Maghreb and its presence in the Maghreb. Until his conversion to Islam, the source of an almost complete equality of rights and full social integration in the Middle Ages, it now assures permanent placement in the Maghreb with granting of citizenship, naturalization.
can therefore conclude that "the English in the Maghreb emigrants tend to be of a single class of aliens in temporary, with full rights, but with limited integration." Mikel
Epalza was Professor of Arabic and Islamic Studies. University of Alicante.
NOTES:
1 See my little study on the passage of the Arab-Islamic notion of 'rizq "(" divine help "in travel) to the modern" risk "(" danger ") through the medieval Italian and insurance against maritime risks in the Mediterranean, M. de Epalza, «Notas sobre la etimología árabe-islámica de «riesgo»», Sharq Al-Ándalus. Estudios Árabes, Alicante, 6, 1989, 185-192.
2 «Árabes» por la lengua, «musulmanes» por la religión, los «andalusíes» de Al-Ándalus [Península Ibérica musulmana] y los «magrebíes» del Mágreb o Magreb [Noroeste de África] tenían grupos específicos: lingüísticamente, los «hispanos» que hablaban una lengua derivada del latín, llamada actualmente «lengua mozárabe», y los «beréberes» o amazigh que hablaban -y hablan aún hoy en día- diversas formas del «beréber» o «bereber»; religiosamente, también coexistieron durante muchos siglos con los «musulmanes sunníes», generalmente dominantes y cada vez más mayoritarios, comunidades reconocidas de «judíos» y de «cristianos» [llamados actualmente «mozárabes»], con otros grupos musulmanes (fatimíes y otros movimientos chiíes, jarichíes, bargawata, etc.). Ver para estas nociones, y para la realidad actual del Islam, M. de Epalza (dir.), L'Islam d'avui, de dema i de sempre, Barcelona, 1994.
3 Natural de Tánger (1304-1377), sus relatos de viaje fueron recogidos por el andalusí IbnChuzái de Granada y han sido traducidos al castellano: S. Fanjul; F. Arbós, Ibn Battuta. Through Islam, Madrid, 1981. The most important ship of the shipping Libyan named Ibn Batuta, emblematic of the Arab travel.
4 The best representative of this genre is probably the Andalusian writer, in the Valencia region, Ibn-Chub (1145-1217), whose work has also been translated into Castilian, F. Maíllo, Ibn Jubayr. Through the East. The twelfth century before our eyes. Rada, Barcelona, \u200b\u200b1988.
5 We must remember the general historical vocabulary to describe the Peninsular Muslims, "al-Andalus" or originating from Al-Andalus, Hispania Islamized or the Iberian Peninsula under the political power Muslim 'Mudejar' when living in the English Christian kingdoms (Aragon, Castile, Navarre, Portugal), in communities or "Jewish communities" officially recognized as Muslims, "Moors," when these Mudejar are forced to convert to Christianity, although Most of them remain faithful to their Islamic identity, secretly, such as crypto-Muslims. Other medieval names such as' Hagrites "," Ishmaelites "," Saracens "- designating the Muslims in general are not currently used. Nor 'Moor', by its pejorative sense.
Geographically, the Maghreb, Maghreb means any Muslim or western North Africa Western: the UMA (Arab Maghreb Union) brings together the states of Libya, Tunisia, Algeria, Morocco and Mauritania. All its inhabitants are called, therefore, "Maghreb." But sometimes there is some ambiguity in our day, because the Moroccans or "inhabitants of the Kingdom of Morocco" (name in all European languages, which comes from its traditional capital, Marrakech) called themselves "Maghreb" (named current Arab country, The United Maghreb Maghreb). The press is increasingly using "North African" to refer to the Moroccans (for example, "the passage of the North Africans in Spain" in summer) leaving the more traditional term of "Moroccan" and creating misunderstandings with other North Africans. This misunderstanding is very conscious in many Muslims in Ceuta and Melilla, "Maghreb" in Castilian and "Moroccan" in Arabic. "
on the Moors in general, see the classic synthesis of A. Domínguez Ortiz - B. Vincent, Story of the Moors. Life and Tragedy of a minority, Madrid, 1978, 1985, 1989 and M. of Epalza, The Moors before and after the expulsion, Madrid, 1992, 1994. On the expulsion, M. latest scientific contributions of Epalza (dir.), L'eject bear Moors. Consequencies islamic sermon in the sermon i Cristi, Barcelona, \u200b\u200b1994 [43 papers and communications, Castilian, Catalan, French and English]. To keep abreast of scientific literature on Moorish and Moorish contribution in the journal literature Sharq Al-Andalus. Arab Studies, University of Alicante [from vol. 1, 1984, currently with the Center for Studies with the caption Mudéjares Mudéjares and Moriscos, from vol. 12, 1995] and in the newsletter Aljamiado [in collaboration with the University of Oviedo, 1989], by Drs. LF Bernabé Pons, M. of Epalza and F. Franco Sanchez, area Arab and Islamic Studies, de la Universidad de Alicante.
Ver unas reflexiones sobre el tema en M. de Epalza, «Reflexiones sobre la insersión social de los españoles en el Mágreb a partir de la Baja Edad Media», Segundo Congreso Internacional de Estudios sobre las Culturas del Mediterráneo Occidental, Barcelona, 1978, 171-165 [reproducido como apéndice al final de este artículo]. Ver también mi participación en los dos volúmenes de Destierros aragoneses, Zaragoza, 1988, 217-227, ambos muy interesantes para nuestro tema: «Caracterización del exilio musulmán: la voz de mudéjares y moriscos».
8 Ver M. de Epalza, «Costas alicantinas y costas magrebíes: el espacio marítimo musulmán Arabic texts as "Sharq Al-Andalus. Arab Studies, 3, 1986, 25-31; 4, 1987, 4548. 9 See
ritual ceremonies in E M. Couple Islamology, Madrid, 1952-1954, Volume II, 538546; A. Machordoms Comín, The Pillars of Islam, Madrid, 1979, 60-69, and in any treatise on the rites and Islamic precepts.
10 See, for example, excellent overview of A. Hourani, History of the Arab peoples, Barcelona, \u200b\u200b1992, or specialized studies compiled by JL Corral Lafuente, M. of Epalza, The Islamic City, Zaragoza, 1991.
11 See magnificent novel that portrays rather the beginning of this exodus, Professor of Medieval History de la Universidad de Zaragoza Dr. José Luis Corral Lafuente, El Salón Dorado, Barcelona, EDHASA, 1996.
12 Ver el caso emblemático del valenciano Ibn-Al-Abbar, que intervino en la rendición de la ciudad de Valencia (1238), de cuyo soberano era ministro, y que pasó a tener varios cargos en la corte de Túnez, donde acabó condenado a muerte. Estudios variados y muy completos en M. de Epalza; J. Huguet (coords.), Ibn Al-Abbar. Polític i escriptor árab valenciá (11991260), Valencia, 1990 [17 estudios, en castellano, en catalán-valenciano y en francés]. Ver también M. de Epalza, «Las influencias de las culturas de Al-Ándalus en el Mágreb», en M.A. Roque (ed.), The cultures of the Maghreb, Madrid, 1994, 1975-1989 (trans. Catalan, in Les cultures of the Maghreb, Barcelona, \u200b\u200b1994, 63-73). 13 See two curious
autobiographical passenger pilgrims, but also with a Maghrebi installed in Aragon and prepares alfaqui Mudejar emigration and ended up staying in the kingdom of Tunis, all through Mallorca and Tortosa, M. of Epalza, "Two Moors texts bilingual (Arabic and Castilian) travel to the East (1395 and 1407-1412)", HespérisTamuda, Rabat, XX-XXI, 1982-1983, 25-112. For the last period of Mudejar Valencia before their forced conversion of 1526, see E. Salvador, "On the migration Mudejar Barbary. Legal traffic through the port of Valencia in the first quarter of the sixteenth century ', Studies, Valencia, 4, 1975, 39-68, and MD Meyerson, Els Valencia Muslim era l'i Ferran Isabel. Coexistence between the croada i, Valencia, 1994.
14 See the classic studies Ladero Quesada MA and JE López de Coca, renewed on the occasion of the commemoration of the V Centenary of collective works which have addressed these two professors of Medieval History, Complutense Universities and Malaga, respectively. 15
overviews of this problem for centuries and today, in MI Fierro, "Migration in Islam: Concepts antiguos, nuevos problemas», Awráq, Madrid, 12, 1991, 1141; K. Abou al-Fadl, «Islamic law and Muslim minorities: the juristic discourse on Muslim minorities from the second/eight to the eleventh/seventeenth centuries», !Islamic Law and Society, Leiden, 1, 1994, 141-187; A. Carmona, «Los nuevos mudéjares: la shari'a y los musulmanes en sociedades no-islámicas», en M. Abumálham (ed.), Comunidades islámicas en Europa, Madrid, 1995, 49-59.
16 Ver mi conferencia innaugural del I Coloquio «La Voz de Mudéjares y Moriscos», Universidad de Alicante (marzo 1995): M. de Epalza, «La voz oficial de los musulmanes hispanos, mudéjares y moriscos, a sus autoridades Cristian: cuatro documentos, Arabic, castellano y catalán-valenciano in "Sharq Al-Andalus ..., 12, 1995, prensa. Ver
17 AM Turki, "Legal Consultation LMAM Al-Al-Mazari on the case of Muslims living in Sicily under the Normans," Mixtures of Saint Joseph University, Beirut, L, 1984, 691 - 704, including "For or against the legality of stay of Muslims in territory reconquered by the Christians: Justification doctrinal and historical reality," Religiongesprüche im Mittelalter (B. Lewis - F. Niewöhner edits.) Wiesbaden, 1992, 305-323, confirmado in-the-práctica en el estudio de H. Bresc, "Pantelleria entre l'Islam et la Chrétienté», Les Cahiers de Tunisie, Túnez, XIX/75-76, 1971, 105-128. Reciente edición completa de las fatwas de Al-Mazari, por el profesor T. Al-Ma'múri, Fatáwá...al-Mazári, Túnez, 1994.
Ver H. Bouzineb, «Respuestas de jurisconsultos maghrebíes en torno a la inmigración de musulmanes hispánicos», Hespéris-Tamuda, Rabat, 26-27, 1988-1989, 53-66; P.S. Van Koningsveld; G.A. Wiegers, «The Islamic statute of the Mudejars in the light of a new source», Al-Qantara, Madrid, XVII/1, 1996, 19-58.
19 Ver L. Sabbagh, «La religion des Moriscos entre deux fatwas», en L. Cardaillac; B. Vincent; P. Dedieu (editores), Les Morisques et temps, París, 1983, 45-56, y trabajos anteriormente citados sobre este tema.
20 Ver G. Gozálbes Busto, Al-Mandan, El Granadino, .fundador de Tetuán, Granada, 1988, 1996.
21 Ver una excelente y reciente presentación general de la historia de Tetuán, por J.L. Miége; M. Benaboud; N. Erzini, Tétouan. Ville andalouse marocaine, París, 1996, y A. Djbilou, Tánger, puerta de África. Antología de textos literarios hispánicos, 1860-1960, Madrid, 1989. Sobre la Ceuta musulmana y sus restos arqueológicos, hasta nuestros días, excelente y también reciente estudio de C. Gozálbes Cravioto, El urbanismo religioso y cultural de Ceuta en la Edad Media, Ceuta, 1995.
22 Ver resumen de la historia de estas ocupaciones, con el catálogo y principales reproducciones hispánicas conservadas de esas ciudades, en M. de Epalza; J.B. Vilar, Planos y mapas hispánicos de Argelia (siglos XVI-XVIII), Madrid, 1988.
23 Traducción en G. Gozábes Busto, o.c., 26-27.
24 " Ver M. de Epalza, Los moriscos, antes y después..., pp. 137-258.
25 En la abundante bibliografía sobre la expedición, ver M. García-Arenal, «Los andalusíes en el ejército Sa' adi: un intento de golpe de estado contra Ahmad Al-Mansúr Al.Dhanabi (1578)», Al-Qantara, Madrid, V, 1984, I. Diadié Haidara, El bajá Yawdar y la conquista Sa'did of Songhay (1591 - 1569), Almería, 1993, and comprehensive understanding of the politics of those Moorish or Andalusian in M. Epalza, The Moors before and after ..., pp. 294-295. 26 See M.
of Epalza, The Moors before and after ..., pp. 205-259, and N. Saidouni, "Les Morisques dans la province d'Alger" Dar es-Soltan 'pendant les XVIe et XVIIe siecle', in M. of Epalza (ed.), L'exili bear Moors ..., 140-146.
27 See, for this process of expulsion H. Lapeyre, Géographie de l'expunge morisque, Paris, 1959 [English translation, no indexes, Valencia, 1986]; M. of Epalza, The Moors before ..., pp. 119-129 and M. of Epalza (ed.) Moors bear ... as well as their sources.
28 The Moors policy with France and its journey across the country, when the great final expulsion, have been studied by L. Cardaillac, G. Shall trouble-Delof and others, but very interesting little documentation (see in particular chapters and L. M. Cardaillac Epalza in Receuil d'études ..., pp. 89-113 and 150-186, respectively) 29 29 See study
C. Samelli in Receuil d'études ..., pp. 348-257; complete edition and study of autobiographical travel writing in Arabic, by M. Razuq (Casablanca, 1987) and other studies of J. Penella, C. Samelli and G. Wiegers. 30 See
documented work together, from his thesis doctoral, de G. Gozálvez Busto, «La república andaluza de Rabat en el siglo XVII», Cuadernos de la Biblioteca Española de Tetuán, Tetuán, 9-10, 1974, 7-469, y volumen en árabe de M. Razuq sobre las emigraciones de los moriscos, Casablanca, 1989.
31 Ver M. de Epalza, «Les Ottomans et l'insertion au Maghreb des Andalous expulsés d'Espagne au XVIIe siécle», Revue d'Histoire Maghrébine, Túnez, 31-32- 1983, 165-173; trabajos de A. Temimi y artículos sobre la esperanza morisca en los turcos de L. Cardaillac y M. Sánchez.
32 Ver N. As-Sa'idúni, «La colonia andalusí en Argelia: su importancia demográfica, actividad económica, situación social "Awráq, Madrid, 4, 1981, 111-124, 234 (in Arabic, with summary in Castilian), and Article.
33 Synthesis in M. of Epalza, The Moors before and after ..., 205-259; sets of monographs M. of Epalza, R. Petit (edits.), and SM Zbiss oc ... oc
34 See recent monograph by E. Lapiedra, "The Moors in Libya", L'expelling Moors bear ..., 369-371.
35 See AA Abdel-Rahim, "Al-Moriscos Settlement in Egypt Through the Religious Court Documents of The Ottoman Age ', in L'expelling Moors bear ..., 158-163. 36 See A.
Temimi, "face to Ottomane Politique et l'implanatation Morisques to l'insertion des en Anatolie», en L'expulsió deis moriscos..., 164-170.
37 Ver datos en M. de Epalza, «Moriscos y andalusíes en Túnez en el siglo XVII», Al-Andalus, Madrid, 34, 1969, 284-293, con versión en francés M. de Epalza; R. Petit, o.c., 175-181,
38 Ver A. Temimi, o.c. Tengo un pequeño estudio, a partir de los documentos publicados por Temimi, que muestra el doble carácter de las colonias moriscas según la política otomana, evidentes en el caso de Anatolia: son colonias agrícolas alrededor de las ciudades y son colonias en zonas militares de frontera, terrestre o marítima. Tendría que salir publicado en la revista Sharq Al-Ándalus. Estudios Mudéjares y Moriscos, Teruel, 13, 1996. 39 See M.
of Epalza, "Lexis and Onomastics Hispanic of the Moors, held in Tunisia", presentation by Mudéjares Studies Symposium VII (Teruel, 1996), in press. 40
translation with commentary in M. of Epalza, The Moors before and after ..., p. 148. 41 See
recent publication of B. Vincent, "Et quelques voix de plus: Francisco Núñez Muley Ratal to Fatima," Sharq Al-Andalus. Mudejar and Morisco Studies, Teruel, 12, 1995, in press. 42 See L.
Cardaillac, Moriscos and Christians: a controversial confrontation (1492-1640), Madrid, 1979. 43 See 43
their removal, at least with regard to the Moroccan and state ownership, with the actual agreements between Charles III and Sidi Muhammad Ben-Abdallah, the late eighteenth century, studied in detail by R. Lourenco and M. Arribas Palau, in an inclusive political process of peace between Spain and Muslim countries, presented by M. of Epalza 'Interests Arab and English interests in the Hispanic Muslim peace XVIII', Journal of Contemporary History, Murcia, 1, 1982, 7-17. 44 See 44
overview of the problem in M. Abumalham (ed.), Muslim Communities in Europe, Madrid, 1995. Recently, J. MORERAS, 'Les Accords de Coopération between 1' Etat Islamique Anglais et la Commission d'Espagne», Revue Européenne des Migrations Internationales, 12/1, 1996, 77-89. 45
45 Sobre los musulmanes españoles, la bibliografía es escasa: ver A. Abumálham (edit.), o.c. [especialmente capítulos de Losada, Tatary y Valencia]; M. de Epalza (dir.), L'Islam d'avui... [especialmente capítulo de Epalza y Moreras]; F. López Barrios; M. J. Haguerty, Murieron para vivir. El resurgimiento del Islam y el Sufismo en España, Barcelona, 1983; y reciente encuesta de T. Roland-Gosselin, Convertis á l'Islam. Aujourd'hui, á Séville , Paris (Fondation pour le progrés de l'homme, vol. 73), 1995 (con prólogo de M. dé Epalza, «Situations de "Conversion" dans les sociétés socioreligieuse ibériques (Ve-XXe s.) ', pp.5-13, 121-122. 46
slideshow generally well documented, Rafael de Lera García, "Crypto-Muslims to the Inquisition of Granada in the s. XVIII ', Hispania Sacra, Madrid, XXXVI, 1984, 1-55, and in his still unpublished doctoral thesis. 47
47 View this curious text, whose internal logic has not yet been sufficiently studied, Urgoiti MS Carrasco, M. of Epalza, "The manuscript" errors of the Moors of Granada "(A core criptomusulmán eighteenth century) ', Fontes Rerum Balearum, Palma de Mallorca, III, 1979-1980, 235-247.
48 » Ver M. de EPALZA, «Nuevos documentos sobre descendientes de moriscos en Túnez en el siglo XVIII», Studia historica et philologica in honorem M. Badlori, Roma, 1984, 195-228, especialmente pp. 213-4.
49 Ver nota precedente.
50 P. Teyssier, «Le vocabulaire d'origine espagnole dans l'industrie tunisienne de la chéchia», Mélanges offerts ú Marcel Bataillon par les hispanistes français, Bulletin Hispanique, Bordeaux, LXIV bis, 1962, 732-740, reproducido en M. de Epalza; R. Petit, o.c., 308-316.
51 Ver D. Brahimi, «Quelques jugements sur les Maures Andalous dans les régences turques au XVIIe siécle», Revue d'histoire et de la civilisation du Maghreb, Argel, 9, 1970, 39-51, reproducido en M. de Epalza; R. Petit, o.p., 135-149, y M. de Epalza, «Moriscos y andalusíes en Túnez en el siglo XVII», Al-Andalus, Madrid, XXVIII, 1969, 247-327, traducido en M. de Epalza; R. Petit, o.c., 150-186.
52 Estas reflexiones sobre las estructuras magrebíes para recibir a españoles o hispanos peninsulares en general, a lo largo de siglos de historia, nacieron de mis personales estancias en el Mágreb, entre 1963 y 1974, de estudios históricos generales y experiencia de la realidad social magrebí, de mis estudios y publicaciones sobre los moriscos emigrados a Túnez y del estudio del más ilustre emigrante hispano en el Mágreb el franciscano mallorquín Anselm Turmeda, converted to Islam in the late fourteenth century, Tunisian rulers officer and writer in Catalan and Arabic (with its Arabic name Abdullah At-Tarchumán), puya grave is a monument in the capital, with a plate of municipalities of Tunis and Palma de Mallorca. Was the subject of my doctoral thesis, defended at the University of Barcelona in 1967, published in Rome in 1971 and again in Madrid in 1994: Brother Anselm Turmeda (`Abdallah al-Tarjuman) and Muslim-Christian polemic.
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