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Chiesa. Parroci di frontiera: Dio non crediamo in a white, Western Friulian - giuliano, neppure "Christian" L'Europe doit

Fonte:
http://www.gennarocarotenuto.it/11916-chiesa-parroci-di-frontiera-non-crediamo-in-un-dio-bianco-occidentale-friulano-–-giuliano-neppure-cristiano

Chiesa. Parroci di frontiera: non crediamo in un Dio bianco, occidentale, friulano – giuliano, neppure “cristiano”

di Davide Divo

La lettera di Natale dei ’preti di frontiera’ del Friuli Venezia Giulia è stata presentata a Pozzuolo del Friuli (Udine)
La lettera è stata firmata da Pierluigi di Piazza, Franco Saccavini, Mario Vatta, Alberto De Nadai, Andrea Bellavite, Giacomo Tolot, Piergiorgio Rigolo, Luigi Fontanot e Albino Bizzotto. Definititi in passato “i preti di frontiera” per alcune posizioni critiche con quelle ufficiali della Chiesa.
‘Mi pare che troppe volte viene utilizzato Dio, quando si dice per esempio “l’identità cristiana”, ” Christian roots "to the other that is - says Luigi Piazza - God is used many times to cover projects that are of human power, that does not mean hide the problematic issues, it means take it with a feeling that a belief in God would tell us all. "

meeting with the press in the center of Balducci Zugliano (Ud) was also attended by Don Andres (José Andrés Tamayo Cortez), a priest from Honduras, who was forced by the regime to leave his country.

"A situation, one that is experiencing the state of Central America, including the largest in the world do not speak - said Don Andres - Yet after the rise to power Micheletti, political assassinations of those who try to oppose the regime are on the agenda "

the God in whom we do not believe

We do not believe in a distant God, a judge of human weaknesses cold, indifferent the tragedies and hopes of the story.

We do not believe in a God who justifies the exaltation of private property, capitalism, the accumulation of money and property.

We do not believe in a God who suggests, and confirms the power of the enmity between people and nations, thus legitimizing the construction and sale of weapons, wars, the patrols, the crime of illegal immigration, the armed policemen, saving power the cameras.

We do not believe in an omnipotent God when you want to understand this concept with the most powerful of the powerful of this world that is at the top of the hierarchy and authoritarianism, which requires honors and privileges, and so confirms authoritarianism, honors and privileges, by the authorities of the society, politics, different religions, the Church.

We do not believe in a God who humble themselves, and punishing, which feeds the blackmail and guilt of the people.

We do not believe in a God that you come alone or preferably in the churches, in the dogmatic truths in religious symbols.

We do not believe in the God of the great religious occasions such as Christmas, when they are conceived as an ingredient of materialism, consumerism, superficiality, a religion that does not involve in history.

We do not believe in a God white, Western Friulian - Julian, even "Christian" when its presence is supposed to justify and legitimize discrimination, xenophobia, racism, to fuel fears and suspicions; closures ethnic, local interests, identity and the worship of the tradition that transforms the evangelical freedom in accordance with the conformity.

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give you a future native milioni di bambini stranieri come Trattati europei ma - di Tahar Ben Jelloun

Source:
http://espresso.repubblica.it/dettaglio/identita-e-una-casa-aperta/2117409&ref=hpsp

Europe's population is in the process of change in its components, its colors, in his appearance? O is similar to the sea which describes it in his 'Songs of Maldoror', the poet Lautreamont: "Old Ocean, a symbol of identity for yourself is always the same, nothing changes in your essence."?

In fact, the human landscape of the new Europe is changing every day. Just go see the crowd in the streets of Paris, Frankfurt and Torino. The mixture is clearly visible. The whites are no longer the sole representatives of Western civilization. The effects of immigration are evident in many different groups, some structurally established: the hybridization advances, la cultura si arricchisce di nuovi apporti nel campo della musica, della letteratura, della gastronomia.

L'immigrazione è passata a una nuova fase. Non è più il tempo dell'arrivo di contadini analfabeti, scesi dalle montagne del Marocco o dell'Algeria. Le famiglie si ricompongono e cresce il numero dei figli nati in territorio europeo: non più immigrati dunque, anche se spesso i media e i politici tendono ad alimentare la confusione. Questi figli di immigrati sono europei, e non soltanto in base allo 'jus soli'. Il paese d'origine dei genitori lo conoscono appena; il loro universo psicologico e mentale si è formato nelle scuole e nelle strade di quest'Europa, che pure li considera cittadini di seconda categoria.

In Marseilles, during the first interview between writers of the Mediterranean (20 to 22 November 2009), I met the pupils of a primary school. Their names: Bilal, Fatema, Marianne, Zeinab, Moktar, Kevin, all French, born in France, who speak perfect French. Whites, blacks, of Arab origin, Turkish, Vietnamese, Armenian and French doc. For them the question of identity does not exist. I have questions about racism, Islam, peace between Jews and Arabs, but the issue of identity has never even touched their minds.


The French Minister of Immigration and National Identity Eric Besson has chosen this moment to launch a debate on this issue French identity. What does it mean to be French? It means belonging to a linguistic, cultural, religious? Or being born on French soil, even if foreign parents?

The question of identity is legitimate when asked by a policeman or a border guard. But if we are to deal with politicians, there is something suspicious, to say that there is a discomfort. Identity is not immutable like a concrete block, and above is not final, otherwise it borders on nationalism. We are aware of the dangers: it is a feeling that can lead to drifts collective hysteria, and the most dangerous excesses. When identities collide, often things turn for the worse. The wars of former Yugoslavia have demonstrated and the extent to which the consequences can be bloody.

Purity is the only ingredient that should never enter into the composition of the concept of identity. Hitler, who was a nostalgic purity of that famous race, perpetrated the greatest genocide in history. Be identical? Be unique! The individual is unique, but at the same time like all other individuals. We are alike because we are all unique. Our identity lies in this diversity, in this uniqueness. We know that identity has long closed, withered, it loses its aroma and its soul. An identity is something that gives and receives. In it nothing is crystallized, final. France today, the Europe of today, are called to accept with optimism and warmth that are becoming. The opportunity lies precisely on the intake manifold and varied in language and civilization of the Europeans. We applaud

a football team that plays poorly or incorrectly because of our country is that? Sport also has become a vehicle for political symbols. The countries are faced on a football field. I quote from memory JL Borges quipped: "The crushed Honduras Mexico." And it was still Borges to say about Argentine identity: "The Egyptians are descended the Pharaohs, the Argentine ship. "But it is one that others will not get lost in unnecessary debates on national identity. It is in this sense that Michel Rocard, former prime minister Francois Mitterrand, called it" silly "the debate on 'argument. And he's right. Europe has other more important sites to be covered to give a future to millions of children and young people born in Europe, even if treated as foreigners. It is time for the new Europe can be such so natural and simple. To achieve this we must admit, however, that identity is an open house, which expands and enriches every day.
(translation by Elizabeth Horvat)

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Abdelkarim Al-Andalus, CONJUNCTION OF CULTURES, Rodolfo Gil Benumeya Grimau

Fonte:
http://identidadandaluza.wordpress.com/2009/12/15/al-andalus-conjuncion-de-culturas/

In some ways these ideas are to continue and to insist My other previous work, also reflective about the 'fact Andalusian' in one of the moments of its history. It seems obvious considering the fact that al-Andalus was not one and the same in successive periods, from those of political and administrative splendor of decline the brightest, in final Granada, or the whole hangover left behind in Moorish times. That said, it is obvious, which could be further explored could be the actions and reactions that had the Andalusian society, in these various eras, both face within itself as to the outside world, subject to various stimuli that were and those around her.

Al-Andalus-that is part of Islamic Iberian Peninsula had a variable extent depending on the period-was the result of a dialectic, the product of a centuries-long internal action and reaction. The phenomenon of Al-Andalus is that of Arabization and Islamization and religious culture, but largely ethnic. Arabization and Islamization ample funds were made on civilized population, in a sense etymological urban and rural Hispano-layer from above, with Visigothic elements added is clear that the establishment of the Arab population was important, not only through military tickets, which were decisive, but also on an ongoing basis, emigration, commercial and peaceful settlement. But can nevertheless be noted that the former population was as Islamised which is largely Arabized, or at least he stayed within the Arab political and administrative structure with all its consequences. And that town was the skeleton of Al Andalus, and in some sense, that of Christian Spain as it it was created.

Al Andalus is always presented as a special phenomenon, different from common. Al-Andalus was seen at first, for the Eastern Arabs, as "the distant sunset, the Far West", tub hamqa, land inept as he calls Al-Ğāhiz. Arab travelers are amazed by the manners and customs of that country and that Muslims follow procedures and fashions, for example military, typical of European Christians. The literature produced by writers Andalusian petty it seems, except in extraordinary cases which cause surprise.
These negative stimuli occurred in the early, imitative and subordinate reactions in man-Andalus.

Este al que yo llamo ‘hombre andalusí’ era -como es sabido- una mezcla muy reciente de los inmigrantes árabes, que habían venido con todos aquellos prejuicios, de los bereberes, sus compañeros de cultura amazigh, y de las poblaciones mal arabizadas que procedían del fondo hispanorromano y godo; junto con las poblaciones judías. El hombre andalusí reaccionó, adaptándose a los modelos orientales, plegándose a ellos como ejemplos ideales del buen hacer y del buen decir, superando sus propias contradicciones de amalgama.

Sin embargo, también a partir del Califato y durante el siglo XI sobre todo, la reacción frente al complejo imitativo tomó el signo contrario. It was probably the reform. Education, driven particularly by 'Abd al-Rahman III and his successors, which-to give "full prominence to the good teaching of the Arabic language" to get the charges of government-provided the intellectual andalusíes a self-confidence in their Arab culture and, therefore, a podium to enhance their self-worth. And this occurred both among the Muslims, and between Jews and Christians Arabized, thereby creating the outline of what later would focus on an imaginary model, which is the 'paradise Andalus', including Sephardic, no less imaginary in many aspects.
Si algo tuvo Al-Andalus de edad dorada y de modelo, obedeció, sin duda, a su mestizaje, a la conjunción de sus diferencias. Al-Andalus era un producto híbrido. La pluralidad interna que siempre han tenido las Españas, unida, en aquellas épocas, a una pluralidad de religiones, tres en concreto, tuvo como consecuencia un producto cohesionado, gracias, tal vez, a que sus tensiones fueron cuerdamente resueltas -y regidas- a lo largo de bastante tiempo. Indudablemente no se trató de un paraíso, excepto en el recuerdo del bien perdido que todo lo hermosea, sino de una aplicación continuada de una idea de estado -durante la época omeya- de un equilibrio, y de la comprensión de unas gentes las unas para las otras. Lasted as long as it lasted, and his example, not only his memory, was a model of what is desirable. But it was an internal plural, an alternative understanding of Hispanic basically Semitic garb, particularly Arabic, which reproduced the small, cohesive efforts as immediate past-the caliphate of Damascus, and where the foreign, ie the European and African, was the main cause of its disintegration and destruction. Once broken

balances and tensions facing the golden age nostalgia disappeared and was converted into a paradise, even the archetype.

Something that is obvious, in immediate connection with the particularities of certain cities and regions, and internal links muladí fund, Moorish and Christian-are independent, however, the origins of the Hispano population that settled on the Arabization and Islam. The southern half and the southeast peninsula had been the cradle of the great pre-Roman cultures, including Tartessian or Turdetano, which had joined the contributions Phoenician, Greek and Punic. The interior of the peninsula had other cultures, very homogeneous, immediate and continuous contact with those with social and political worlds Mediterranean. Romanization approved coverage gave everything, but why we should pensar que sustituyó a todo, excepto en la lengua y, probablemente, en una conciencia de comunidad cultural imbricada con la pluralidad básica. La romanización, que tenía mucho de oriental en sí misma, continuó durante unos años con la bizantinización del sur peninsular. Y a una, y a otra, vino a completar, que no a suplir, la arabización, que era otra hija de la romanización en buena parte y que había bebido en las mismas fuentes.

Lo godo dentro de Al-Andalus se juntó con lo hispanorromano, imbricado, como ya estaba, con el fondo hispano durante los últimos tiempos de la monarquía visigoda; y lo judío ya estuvo presente durante el período de la romanización -traído by it or from pre-Roman times, bringing the set was completed, forming the bottom of which we are speaking. The 'nationalism' Andalusian, based on this background, is what might occur during the Caliphate, during the actual division of the Taifa kingdoms on the mainland Christian times, and even in what is left of Al-Andalus for the time modern.

administrative and educational reform, undertaken by 'Abd al-Rahman III and his successors, together with the weight of a new social class of the freedmen, beyond the traditional Arab family and its power, made the political dominance of these families look very reduced, matched prácticamente por los andalusíes del fondo hispanorromano, por los propios saqãliba o libertos y por algunos bereberes. Lo andalusí pasó a ser fundamentalmente andalusí, de forma árabe pero no de importación. Creo que esto ya se venía dando desde hacía mucho tiempo, pero probablemente fue el concepto de estado integrador omeya lo que precipitó el fenómeno, junto con la voluntad y el ejemplo de los mismos grandes califas. El concepto de estado integrador e igualador sobrevivió a la caída política del Califato, y todos los régulos de Taifas quisieron mirarse en él y en cierto modo considerarse unos meros representantes suyos, los virreyes de un califa ausente, más que sus sucesores siempre locales.
Los almorávides, que vinieron del Magreb a partir de la fitna califal, fracasaron en la Península, pese a la decisiva influencia andalusí dentro de sus modos y Administración prolongada y aumentada con los almohades, porque no vinculaban todas las contradicciones internas peninsulares frente al exterior; sino que ellos eran el exterior. Lo que la sociedad de la Península necesitaba era un Estado atípico, al estilo del que había empezado a formarse bajo el Califato. Alfonso VI y Alfonso VII pretendieron rehacerlo bajo una forma cristiana y más feudalizada; Alfonso X y, más tarde, Pedro I, incluso los Trastámara, oscilaron en lo mismo; y esto sólo entre los reyes de Castilla-León. Su modelo y his thoughts were largely those of an inclusive state, common to all Hispanics, Christians, Muslims and Jews, with their personalities and cultures in tow. It was a peninsular model.

To strengthen this model came to join the Mozarabic, or Andalusian Arabized Christians, the musta'ribeen-musta'aribīn, who had occupied all public officials, with freedom of worship, and even military responsibilities before, during and even after the Caliphate in close contact with the independent Christian kingdoms of the north, and the early Christians muladíes or Visigoths and Hispano or themselves but Islamized. The Mozarabic perdieron peso y fuerza con la entrada de los almorávides, y buena parte de ellos emigró a los reinos cristianos.
Es de todos sabido que el Islam ve a los judíos y a los cristianos como los Hombres del Libro, la Torah y el ́Inğīl o Nuevo Testamento, o sea la Biblia, sagradas escrituras como el Corán; y en consecuencia con plena potestad de ejercer sus religiones. En la época califal de Al-Andalus tuvieron esta libertad bajo la autoridad de sus rabinos y de sus obispos. Protegidos bajo el estatuto de ‘dimmíes’, pagaban únicamente unos determinados tributos y ejercían, como he dicho antes, toda clase de profesiones, cargos e instituciones, así como poseían sus sinagogas e iglesias. Evidentemente this continued in the period of so-called "Taifa Kingdoms-tawa 'if-and immediately before, during the difficult fall of the Caliphate and its division was intended circumstantial, that is the time of fitna, but there was a significant gap in the short rule of the southern North African Almoravids and had some difficulties in the long incorporation of Al-Andalus to the Almohad empire Moroccan. They and their successors almohades meriníes and kept in Morocco wattasíes mercenary Christian militias in part, probably, were minted Mozarabic, being known by the generic Farfan, which, transformed into a family name, aún quedan personas en Fez. Mozárabe quizás fue el real y legendario co-fundador del reino de Portugal, un ricohombre de nombre Egas Móniz. Y al propio Rodrigo Díaz de Vivar se le atribuye a veces un origen mozárabe, lo que seguramente no es cierto pese a su arabización manifiesta, muy común por otra parte en muchos de los caballeros castellanos de estas épocas, como en su propio sobrino Munaya Álvar Fáñez, e incluso en los reyes.
Los mozárabes conservaron dentro del territorio musulmán y en los reinos cristianos muchas de las antiguas iglesias visigodas, y les dieron un sello propio. Construyeron otras a las que aportaron, junto con bastantes elementos innovadores, producto de su mestizaje cultural with Arab and Muslim world, not only unique artistic features, helping to change the customs and lifestyles in the realms of northern and central mainland, maintaining their religious rite to this day albeit testimonial.

regard to the third culture and the third religion of Al-Andalus and the Christian kingdoms, which means, among Jews, present and influential during the reign of the Visigoth and Byzantine occupation, his coming and his establishment in the Iberian Peninsula are uncertain. According to its sources may have come during the time of King Solomon son of David, joint business trips with the Phoenicians Turdetania or Tartessós, Tarshish, as mentioned in the Old Testament, establishing joint colonies. But the Roman empire, especially after the Diaspora, when Jews appear to have a significant population mass and strong, closely linked to the Hispano people and equipped with interactive links with Jewish communities from North Africa Palestine or Berbers converted. During the Visigothic kingdom relations between the Germanic aristocracy and the Jewish community went through moments of rupture and Visigothic persecution, the Jews received generally supported by the Hispano and their fellow Jews from North Africa. Accordingly
the emergence of Islam among the Arabs, which is nothing but the 'reenactment' Arabic-Semitic idea of \u200b\u200bOne God, to put it in some way, change all situations. The rapid spread of Islam across North Africa, mass voluntary conversions among the Berbers, the authority and direction of government of the Arab Umayyad rule in Damascus, recently opened, soon made it almost like a religious idea and the Mosaic similar to the Arian, who had been the religion of the Visigoths had recently been planted in front of the Iberian Peninsula.

The Visigoths were divided into a kind of aristocratic civil war among the most conservative and Germanic, and the closest to the Hispano population and culture, along with internal tensions remained between the former Arians and Catholics converted by the new monarchical order. At the time it occurs the entry of the Muslims, the Visigoth king Rodrigo represented the conservative camp after the death of King Witiza of opposite disposition, and the children of a rebellion Witiza kept hidden, tolerated by the insecurity of Rodrigo, allowing them to hold high military posts and church in the south and east of the peninsula.
is therefore very likely that the children have prepared a revolt Witiza seeking la alianza de los musulmanes establecidos al otro lado del Estrecho y que lo hayan hecho a través de las comunidades judías de la Península y del norte de África, y de sus propios partidarios y dignatarios de origen bereber, como el conde Olián –el don Julián de las leyendas y romances- gobernador visigodo de Tánger.
La batalla de Guadalete o de la Janda es más bien un choque entre visigodos, puesto que las fuerzas mandadas por los hijos de Vitiza se revolvieron contra Rodrigo auxiliadas por los musulmanes desembarcados hacía poco. Las ciudades fueron cayendo rápidamente unas tras otras y, conforme avanzaba el ejército vencedor, tropas judías se encargaban del cuidado y defensa de las plazas. Ya sabemos que The initial approach was changed and that Islam, after the new expansion so easy and so ingrained in some way with Jews, Hispano, and a large proportion of the Visigoths, who established his government, leading to Al-Andalus. Many Hispano-Visigoths and many were becoming Muslims, and called them muladíes, others kept their Christianity and gradually Arabized leading the Mozarabic we've seen. The Jews were also under Arab rule, firstly dependent on Damascus, after the Emirate and independent Umayyad Caliphate, the Taifa Almoravids and Almohad empires and the kingdom of Granada. The whole life of Al-Andalus. For them, the whole life Sefarad.

Sefarad –Al-Andalus judío- fue probablemente la mejor época y más fructífera de la dispersión hebrea de la Diáspora. Los sefardíes destacaron en todo, ocuparon los más altos cargos, cultivaron la mística, la ciencia, la medicina, la filosofía, la literatura; fueron primeros ministros, diplomáticos y gobernantes como Ḥasday ben Šaprūt con el califa ‘Abd al-Raḥmān III, los Ben Nagrella en el reino de Taifas de Granada, Yehudā ha-Levi en el reino cristiano pero arabizado de Castilla… Y por supuesto el cordobés Mošē ben Maymōn, Maimónides, filósofo y médico universal del periodo almohade, entre una myriad of talents of all kinds.

I talked about the cultural and linguistic Arabization of the Umayyad period and from it, but we know that there was a bilingual colloquial people also spoke in Romance dialects, including the noble origin and stamp Arabs, sang them, and called many things about everyday life in them, and they got along with the Christians of the north, many of which, in turn, spoke and read Arabic. It is quite possible that these romances and talking about inter-lingua colloquial Arabic has been maintained until very advanced, which is beginning to study.

All these samples mixed-race mixture, mixing languages and cultures-this adaptation, appropriation and to some extent 'nationalism' are those that characterize the phenomenon Andalusian and counteract the inflow from Europe, also resisting the Islamic Reform Movement in the Maghreb, and keeping the Andalusian phenomenon even during the late Middle Ages. The circumstances of the mixture are those set to Al-Andalus as such and to characterize, in turn, to the same neighboring Christian kingdoms, relatives, allies and enemies in a dynamic that transcends, in my view, a purely defensive offensive or moving boundaries. Some Christian kingdoms, despite the European feudal influences, visible in some than others, are special, different and characteristic of cohabitation, to put it in some way. Andalusian spirit, as it seems to have been born and raised mostly in Al-Andalus, had happened to the Christian kingdoms not only from the border counties and primitive Christian kingdoms, but also by internal ethnic fabric itself.

peninsular Christian realms seem to me like the same Al-Andalus, a differential. The continuing inclination of the monarchs of the urban settlement is due, of course, real power compensation against the power of the nobility, and restocking, but also a continued use of models came from Al-Andalus The special protection peninsular Christian monarchs gave their Muslim and Jewish subjects was not common in Europe. By contrast, during the presence of European crusaders in the Peninsular Wars, the Kings struggled at times in a tax, to protect his subjects from the depredations that would be subject to the Crusaders, considering them natural in Europe, and they believed the wars of religion and plunder at least in part.

There is nothing more than the fulfillment of the chapters, the Christian kings Spaniards agreed with the Islamic cities they conquered, that the taking, pillage and genocide wrought by the Crusaders in Barbastro, for example. Neither was common in Europe and senior advisers had Jews and Muslims, or Islamic troops, serving the Christian kings and peninsular states, as was the case until the end of the previous Trastámara the Catholic Kings. As

major Christian kingdoms began to occupy Muslim lands of Al-Andalus, from more or less than the conquest of Toledo in 1085 by Alfonso VI, the system of capitulations that we have spoken is generalized. The Muslim population is under the rule pacta Christian political conditions of religious freedom, freedom from legal and customs, which transforms it into mudağğan-under- whence the term 'Moorish'. This occurs for several centuries with alternatives that are usually of dialogue and mutual coexistence, sometimes differences until after the conquest of the Kingdom of Granada by Ferdinand and Isabella, the Christian part broken off the repressive and exploitative and Capitulaciones , from Cardinal Ximenes, requires the Mudejar-old and new, to become a Catholic mass and strength or to emigrate, while destroying their books and their civilization. Sephardic Jews had been forced to the same, and also robbed a few years earlier by themselves Catholic Monarchs.
No But such was the force of the Andalusian in many of the normal manifestations of the English people, that what is usually called Mudejar Mudejar art unfolds splendidly since the thirteenth century or so, until the sixteenth, and English America until the nineteenth century, especially in architecture. Mudejar what can be considered as the great English contribution to the universal architectural art and art forms and styles of construction. Even in the late nineteenth and twentieth century there is a reenactment neomudéjar in various parts of Spain and some of its features typical English persist today. Coexistence and

debate, dialogue ultimately have for centuries been a distinctive heritage of English society and, in general, society Peninsula. Our human groups created models that were tested, were mixed styles, saps who shot to give animation to a common result of such broad legacy as Al-Andalus, one, several and persistent. Unfortunately, having been conquered the Kingdom of Granada, begins a complicated and difficult time for Spain as a whole and for English Muslims in particular. It is the time of the Moors, its literature aljamiado, persecution, pressure and exhaustion. Persecution Esquiline and not just against Muslims but against los conversos y los erasmistas, los luteranos, etc., considerados todos como herejes y dignos sujetos de muerte o expulsión.

A partir de las conversiones forzosas de los mudéjares empiezan los moriscos.

El sentimiento morisco, aunque diferencial –como ya he dicho varias veces- es esencialmente español, pero musulmán. Los moriscos son la última parte de Al-Andalus, sus últimas manifestaciones vivas que no terminaron con la caída del Reino de Granada, sino que se continuaron con la actividad de unas gentes dispersadas a la fuerza fuera de la Península Ibérica, o presentes dentro de ella de una forma más bien callada. Como es sabido, los moriscos adoptaron la resistencia pasiva de cara Governmental Authorities and Catholic, using several times the payment of money to the Crown and other hierarchies. Used the taqiyya or concealment of faith from persecution catholic method approved by fatwas or religious rulings given by ulama of North Africa. They used the religious syncretism and intoxication as is the case of the lead plates of Sacromonte. And they sent written very reasoned and high political level, even with contemporary relevance, as the letter of Prince Nuñez Muley to the highest Christian authority.

But also sought the protection of the nobility of Moorish origin acristianada or any Christian Nobility-old and the Church, concerned not to leave their lands and occupations and stop producing wealth. Extensive recourse to the preservation of the faith through the blended formula spreading was aljamiado literature. They worked hard and tried to capitalize and grow in population ... were grouped as confraternities dedicated to the cult of the Virgin and Jesus, both revered figures in the Qur'an. They proliferate predictions of hope that predicted the return of former times ...

On the other hand, however, remained constant and easy links to the Maghreb, also with the Ottoman Empire and various European countries, including France, Germany, Italia y Portugal evidentemente. En muchas circunstancias y momentos, “se echaron al monte”, como se dice en español castizo, formando partidas de guerrilleros que mantenían una lucha viva aunque cruel, sobre todo en el reino de Valencia y en el de Granada. Y se sublevaron varias veces. La más importante y conocida de estas sublevaciones es la que dio lugar a la Guerra y reino de las Alpujarras, muy dura y muy difícil, con varios miembros de la familia omeya a la cabeza.

En los primeros años del siglo XVII -no sin bastantes resistencias interiores de algún sector de la nobleza e incluso de personajes y estamentos eclesiásticos- la Corte de Madrid promulgó el decreto de expulsión de los moriscos, que were forced to remove their homeland and directed especially towards the Maghreb. Recently we have analyzed various vectors of the policy of the Habsburgs over the Moors and the oscillations of this policy, its internal and external causes, and it follows that the division of criteria was evident. And also analyzed the participation of professionals Moors in peninsular life episodes such as the Armada, and the defeat of King Sebastian of Portugal in Morocco, or life-Saharan Africa and in the conquest of Timbuktu and in the tracks ethnic and cultural left there so far.

The Moors were created and operated for more than half a century Moorish State de Salé la Vieja, en Rabat, una nueva patria con relaciones internacionales europeas y con la misma España e Felipe IV. Otras nuevas patrias hubo en Tetuán, en Chauen, en Tremecén, en Túnez, patrias adoptivas.
No todos se fueron al Magreb, sin embargo. Hubo una emigración fuerte, no cuantificada hasta ahora, al imperio Otomano, lo mismo que habían hecho muchos sefardíes.

La Civilización que queremos vivir nos lleva a un mundo global y es simplemente la suma y la mezcla de las civilizaciones. No puede haber choque de civilizaciones y de hecho nunca lo ha habido, sino interpenetraciones o amalgamas. Al-Andalus es un claro ejemplo de un proceso así, y lo ha sido el propio continente americano. No no clash of civilizations but ignorance and ignorance is dissolvable over time, with teaching in some and in others, the community of interest and dialogue.

All of which is summarized in the imperative of a true information, a true translation of concepts given a lucid terminology, not continue its efforts to add glazes and seeing how little we do to promote our similarities and how much we do for revitalize our differences with other countries and other aspects of faith. The latter is the cultural and historical illiteracy hollow presumptuously practicing some politicians and some religious of various trends, rather than be accountable to the truth, to reassess the politics or religion and to teach the street.
The "alliance of civilizations" that advocated Spain and the United Nations is not only embrace but also represents the alliance of well-conceived self-interest because they are the survival, development, as I said, and the enrichment of values \u200b\u200blearned or inherited from each other. It is the coexistence in diversity, where there is no more confrontation than this word and that word has to be truthful, useful, clear, well-poured a few other languages, ie the concept itself is to express and which seeks to understand others, be understood and inform. A treasure to share, if possible, between Sancho Panza and his friend and neighbor Ricote the Morisco.

Al-Andalus was the result of a reasoned debate and lived in an ongoing conversation and correct translation of self-interest, and that is why the paradigm has been ideal for many people and eventually readjust model.

The "alliance of civilizations," which I mentioned before, is a continuation of this archetype, but projected to the length and breadth of this global world and seen as desirable future for all scheme.
in principle desirable scheme is based on two realities: the understanding of peoples and, moreover, agreement and el equilibrio de sus gobiernos, sus economías, sus políticas y sus diplomacias; y la de las minorías de sentimiento compartido, que de momento son minorías pero que van creciendo y es de esperar que se difundan mucho más rápida, y eficaz.

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The expulsion of the Jews in Spain: Sefarad

Su eSefarad una serie di cinque eccellenti video sull'espulsione degli ebrei dalla Spagna del 1492, ad opera dei re cosiddetti cattolici. Di seguito i link:

Prima parte: http://www.esefarad.com/?p=6910

Seconda parte: http://www.esefarad.com/?p=6914

Terza parte: http://www.esefarad.com/?p=6917

Quarta part: http://www.esefarad.com/?p=6917

Part Five: http://www.esefarad.com/?p=6920

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Sancho Is Wisdom? - Special eSefarad Santos Mayo

Fonte: http://www.esefarad.com/?p=7330

The great Don Miguel de Cervantes Saavedra says in Chapter 45 of the second volume of Don Quixote, Sancho Panza how then taking possession of their insula Barataria, begins to govern both trial and grace that leaves people amazed to possess so much wisdom.

And as much yarn in the hank, Don Miguel tells a series of sentencias en las que Sancho, gobernador y juez supremo, dicta para bien de todos sus súbditos. He aquí un hermoso ejemplo que ilustra la sabiduría de Sancho. Se presentan ante el gobernador dos ancianos reclamando justicia. Uno de ellos, el acreedor declara:

“Señor, a este buen hombre le presté días ha diez escudos de oro, por hacerle placer y buena obra, con condición que me los volviese cuando se los pidiese; pasáronse muchos días sin pedírselos, por no ponerle en mayor necesidad, de volvérmelo que la que él tenía cuando yo se los presté; pero por parecerme que se descuidaba en la paga, se los he pedido una y muchas veces, y no solamente no me los vuelve, pero se niega and says he never lent him such ten crowns, which I returned them. I have no witnesses or the loan, or around, because it has become to me, I wanted to take her oath, your grace, and if I swear that has made them, I forgive them for here and before God. "

Sancho thought about the case and asked the second he claimed his party. To which the old man said:

"I sir, I confess that I lent them, and get your worship, that rod, and since he left my oath I will swear as I returned and paid the real and true."

"The old man who was preparing to swear, was in his hand his crook cane it gave the creditor to which you had while swearing. He put his hand on the cross of the staff, saying it was true that he had borrowed the ten crowns that he was required but that he had returned from his hand to his, and that it will not fall into the again ask for time. "

"The governor asked the creditor what answer to what he said his opponent and said that no doubt his debtor must tell the truth because he was a man of and a good Christian and that he is must have forgotten how and when they had been returned and that from then on never ask him anything. "

"Torn a tomar su báculo el deudor y bajando la cabeza, se salió del juzgado; visto lo cual Sancho, y que sin más se iba, y viendo también la paciencia del demandante, inclinó la cabeza sobre el pecho, y poniéndose el índice de la mano derecha sobre las cejas y las narices, estuvo pensativo un pequeño espacio, y luego alzó la cabeza y mandó que le llamasen al viejo del báculo, que ya se había ido. Trajéronle, y en viéndole Sancho, le dijo:”

“-Dadme, buen hombre, ese báculo que le he menester”.

“-De muy buena gana –respondió el viejo-; hele aquí, señor.

“Y púsole en la mano. Sancho took it and gave it to another old, said:

"" Go with God, that you are already paid. "

"- Me, sir? "Replied the old man. Well okay this fennel ten crowns of gold? ".

"" Yes, "the governor said, and if not I'm the biggest joint in the world."

"And now I will if I have Calatraba to govern a whole kingdom."

"And he commanded there in front of everyone and opened the cane broke. They did so, and found her heart ten crowns of gold were all amazed, and had their governor for a new Solomon. "

So far the story is supposed to Cervantes' original. But ... a look at the Talmud Bavli, Tractate Nedarim, page 25A leads to the golden age of Jewish Bavel during the Amoraim, particularly the centuries III and IV of the EC which are identical to an episode narrated by Cervantes which involved a prominent rabbi. The great Talmudic

Abba Joseph ben Hama bar was born in Babylon (270-350 CE) and was one of the rabbis quoted in the Talmud, known as Rava. He studied at the Yeshiva Pumbedita located in what is now territory of Iraq and was famous for his debates with his fellow student, the great Talmudic Abay quien luego fue director de esa escuela, una de las yeshivot más consultadas por las comunidades judías de Europa durante la Edad Media, particularmente por las comunidades de Sefarad.

En este texto talmúdico el Rava confronta a ambos personajes, al acreedor y al deudor y plantea una cuestión básica: cuando alguien presta juramento debe hacerlo utilizando un lenguaje cuyo significado sea claro y objetivo. No puede emplear expresiones que solo son válidas en su propia interpretación. Debe utilizar el lenguaje correcto ante la Corte, de acuerdo al significado estricto y objetivo de las palabras sin intentar, mediante estratagemas, impedir o confundir la comprensión de los hechos reales.

El Dr. Eliezer Segal, Professor of Religious Studies at the University of Calgary, Canada, in his article entitled "Hollow Victory" (http://people.ucalgary.ca/ ~ elsegal/Shokel/050707_Hollow Victories.html)

elaborates on the same subject, called "kanya-de-Rava, presenting as a proverbial example of the prototype of Talmudic reasoning. Surprisingly, according to Dr. Segal, known as the oldest example of this case precedes the time of Rava for centuries. In the first century BCE, there is a similar story done by a Roman named Konon, a traveler native of Miletus, a city of ancient Greece.

This raises the intriguing question of how Cervantes (1547 - 1616) living in the seventeenth century Inquisitorial Spain, dares to incorporate the Talmudic tale Quixote, and how to get to know the existence of the remote Rava Pumbedita the centuries III and IV. Was perhaps

contact or crypto-Jews living in hiding in Spain after the disaster of 1492?

According to Dr. Ruth Fine, Professor of Latin American Literature at the Hebrew University of Jerusalem, Cervantes spent five years in Algeria as a captive of pirates before writing the Quijote (1). They had ample opportunity to seek and establish contacts with Jews and Judaism learn details about unobtainable during those years in Inquisitorial Spain. According to Dr. Fine, in the many works of Cervantes are over 300 hidden or disguised to such matters as the observance of Kashrut, Shabbat, and others documenting to what extent was the practice of Jewish religion .

Dr. Fine mentioned also in Chapter 9 of Volume I of Don Quixote, Miguel reports that Alcan in Toledo (the show) bought from a street vendor a manuscript in Arabic numerals. This proved to be nothing less than the story of his hero, Don Quixote, written by an imaginary author, Cide Hamete, Arab historian. Looking for a translator pour this manuscript from Arabic into Castilian, Don Miguel says that though it were written in characters of "a better and more ancient language translator had been found." What other older and better language but may have been referring to the Hebrew Cervantes?

Don Miguel (2) was the fourth child of seven, the marriage of Rodrigo de Cervantes and Leonor de Cortinas. Rodrigo was a surgeon, a profession that unappreciated by society and then usually reserved for Jewish converts, new Christians. The family sought his fortune in several cities in Spain without much success. Rodrigo even came to be imprisoned for not paying their debts. The young Miguel traveled to Rome in search of new horizons where was the service of Cardinal Giulio Acquaviva. From there he wrote to his father asking him to send a certificate of "blood cleansing" in order to gain access to formal employment. This certificate was sent to Rome on December 22, 1569.

Some writers note that such false certificates were heavily traded during the period. Even the Inquisition issued then, right price, those certificates that turned out to be a prerequisite for obtaining employment (3). In 1571 Cervantes joined the Christian army defeated the Turks in the famous battle of the Gulf of Lepanto, at the entrance of the bay of Corinth, the Ionian Sea. There he lost his left hand (the one-armed Lepanto) and received other injuries that forced him to stay in the hospital in Messina. In 1572 he returned to active duty in Palermo and Naples. Armed with letters of recommendation from his superiors in 1575 obtained, permission from the king of Spain for his return to the motherland. On the return journey is captured by Turkish pirates and sold into slavery in Algeria, then ruled by a Turkish Bey. After several failed attempts to escape, was released by the payment of a high ransom, paid in part by his family, returning to their country by the end of 1580.

Based on his brilliant military record serving the kingdom made numerous attempts to use any official position of government in Spain or in the American colonies without success. Don Miguel is convinced of the impossibility of achieving an official capacity and is fully committed to his work as a writer. The first part of Don Quixote published in Madrid in 1605 and obtained a resounding success, when the author was already 58 years old. This classic of world literature has been translated into many languages \u200b\u200band is the second most published book after the Bible. Is it possible that Cervantes, English writer probably the best so far, has been downward, although remotely, our Sephardim? Hopefully, our historians and scientists may soon clarify this enigma. Santos Mayo

eSefarad.

(1) Radio Sefarad, Madrid (www.radiosefarad.com) section "Bookmark" (November 12, 2009).

(2) William C. Atkinson, Encyclopedia Britannica, Volume 3, pg. 1182 (1979).

(3) Howard M. Sachar, Farewell Spain, Random House, New York (1994).

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Los Moriscos migrants in the Maghreb

Los Moriscos migrants in the Maghreb - the host structures had Peninsular Muslims in Muslim societies, especially in the Maghreb - Author: Mikel of Epalza - Source: Journal of Social Work University of Alicante

Fonte digitale. Http://www.webislam.com/?idt=14736

The current flow of labor migrants from North Africa to Western Europe-specific topic in this issue of the journal Alternatives. Social Work Papers ", University of Alicante, has been mentioned as" the return of the Moors "(Bernabé López García), referring to the recent general expulsion of Muslims from the peninsula, who had been forced to become Christians early sixteenth century and were forced to leave Spain at the beginning of XVII, ending up staying in the North African society the majority of those who managed to survive the ordeal of travel of the expulsion. " This small

estudio, se van a presentar las principales estructuras de acogida que tuvieron los musulmanes peninsulares en las sociedades musulmanas, especialmente en el Mágreb y con especial referencia a los moriscos expulsados de España a principios del siglo XVII (1609-1614)6.

Pero hay que saber situar este episodio de la historia de las migraciones mediterráneas en el contexto de su época y, en particular, de las emigraciones hispánicas en la sociedad magrebí7.

1. ESTRUCTURAS DE ACOGIDA TRADICIONALES DE LOS ANDALUSÍES EN EL MÁGREB

Sintetizando más de nueve siglos de relaciones entre Al-Ándalus y el Mágreb, «entre las dos orillas»8, como lo expresaban en árabe los medieval writers (since the arrival of the Muslims in Hispania in 711, the final expulsion in 1614), host the traditional structures of the Andalusians in North African societies are fairly constant. Will be the base-not only, as we shall see, of the host structures of the Moors, in the massive immigration that caused the great seventeenth century English expulsion.

1.1. Infraestructuctura the Islamic duty of the pilgrimage

The first thing to say is that Muslim society in general has traditionally important host infrastructure for travelers. Is a company of travelers, by the obligation of Muslims to perform la Peregrinación a La Meca (Makka), al menos una vez en la vida, si tienen la posibilidad de hacerlo'.

1.2. Carácter urbano y cosmopolita de la religión islámica

Por otra parte, la sociedad islámica, estructurada por la fe del Islam, es una sociedad urbana y comercial, que heredó de las sociedades urbanas que le precedieron (especialmente las herederas a su vez de las civilizaciones romana y persa) una importante red viaria -que supieron conservar y desarrollar- de calzadas y caminos terrestres, de navegación marítima especializada en el cabotaje y de acogida de viajeros.

Las estructuras sociales de acogida de los foráneos estaban favorecidas también por la evolución de la sociedad musulmana hacia un cosmopolitismo nuevo. La religión musulmana, sin suprimir los lazos étnicos y hasta tribales de las sociedades precedentes, desarrolló unas sociedades cosmopolitas en las ciudades de su imperio -ya desde La Meca y Medina, y a pesar de las fragmentaciones políticas-, que favorecían la insersión de los extranjeros 10.

1.3. Los andalusíes, viajeros al Mágreb y Oriente

Los andalusíes, desde sus inicios, viajaron mucho a Oriente, por mar directamente o visitando diversas regiones magrebíes (los musulmanes, porque tenían muchas veces raíces familiares en el Mágreb o en el Máshreq u Oriente árabe, o por intereses científicos y comerciales in major cities of the Maghreb, as Kairawán, Tunisia, Bona / Annaba, Buj ed / B idjaia, Tlemcen / Tlemcen, Fez, Marrakech ..., Jews, and his relations with his fellow North African or Eastern, and until the Visigoth nobles Christians of the time of conquest, who visited the caliphs of Damascus for various political, as the bishop Oppas, Princess Sara, the noble Teodomiro, etc.).

Around the pilgrimage, many Andalusian stayed in different cities of the Mashreq and Maghreb, forming colonies with special Andalusian hospitality that welcomed the new travelers from Al-Andalus. These colonies are well documented in cities such as Alexandria, Cairo, Mecca, Medina, Baghdad, Damascus, Jerusalem and the aforementioned cities of the Maghreb.

1.4. Hispanic migration by Christian conquests (ss.XII-XV)

All these were very important medieval infrastructure to accommodate the Andalusian when the progress of the Christian conquests were reducing the territories of Muslim political domination.

These achievements were moving towards the Maghreb Muslim populations, especially the Christian occupation of cities, they left without power in the Arab ruling classes. Toledo Falls (1085), Zaragoza (1118) and recent Ebro Valley cities, Tortosa and Lleida (1149), etc., began a process of migration of populations, both south of Al-Andalus as to neighboring Maghreb, especially attracted by the new seat of power, Marrakech, capital -since the mid-eleventh century the Almoravids and Almohad dynasties, who ruled what was left of the Muslim territory of Al-Andalus.

When large Christian conquest of the thirteenth century, Baleares, Valencia, Murcia, Valle del Guadalquivir, Algarve Portuguese-Andalus and emigration was massive, so the kingdom of Granada from the Moorish dynasty and, above all, the North African kingdoms post-Almohad Marrakesh, Fez, Tlemcen and Tunis. The great officers of these kingdoms were usually post-Almohad of Andalusian origin and weighed heavily in the transmission of cultural patterns in societies magrebíes12 Andalus. Throughout the thirteenth and fifteenth centuries (until the fall of the kingdom of Granada, 1482-1492) drip to the Maghreb Andalusian immigrants, both Muslim Moorish kingdom of Granada and the Moorish Muslim Christian English kingdoms, was constantly , using precisely the aforementioned host infrastructure.

migration that followed the war of conquest of Granada is known to us only in part, by the scarcity of sources and the lack of global studies scientists. Despite the large mass of immigrants, hampered by provisions of Ferdinand and Isabella (Granada noble privileges, forced conversions to Christianity, etc..) Structures insertion into the Maghreb, inherited from past centuries, had to work, because few problems adaptation are recorded in historical sources.

1.5. Emigration Peninsula to Morocco and Algeria (XVI century) A. Of the obligation or not to migrate to the territory musulmán15

The obligation not to remain in a non-Muslim and migrate it into territories where Islamic law prevails is a matter of some importance in Islam, which gives priority al vivir en una sociedad islámica, como la que creó el profeta Mahoma/Muhámmad en Medina, frente a otras posibilidades como las de las comunidades que él mismo envió desde La Meca, antes de su hégira a Medina.

La situación de musulmanes «emigrantes» a sociedades no-musulmanas se dio pronto en el Islam, por los numerosos viajeros que hacían comercio o estaban de embajadas muy oficiales -o las dos cosas a la vez- fuera de territorios gobernados por autoridades musulmanas. Cómo vivir en esas sociedades, si se mantienen en ellas los musulmanes y sus comunidades, ha dado lugar a una producción teológica islámica muy particular, con una doble tendencia: la más teórica y rigorista, defending the absolute obligation to migrate to Muslim lands, and the most realistic and permissive, which focuses on ways to live and live in societies governed by non-Muslims.

This issue was particularly important in the Muslim West, as they advanced the Christian conquests in the western Mediterranean (Sicily, Hispania). Sicilian jurist Al-Mazari, a refugee in Tunisia after the Christian conquest of the island (XI century) has left one of the most ancient texts and reasoned on the subject. Other texts declarative (fatwas) were taken after the Christian occupation of most of the territories of Al-Andalus in the middle of the thirteenth century. But it was the Christian conquest de Granada y las sucesivas obligaciones de convertirse al cristianismo de los musulmanes «mudéjares» de los reinos hispanos (Portugal, 1497; Granada, 1500; Corona de Castilla, 1502; Navarra, después de 1512; Corona de Aragón, 1526) lo que iba a agudizar la tensión entre las dos tendencias9.

Los historiadores modernos han dilucidado que estas disputas teológicas islámicas venían muy condicionadas por posturas políticas: los partidarios de la emigración obligatoria miraban el reforzamiento del Islam en los estados musulmanes del Mágreb que acogerían a esos futuros soldados, mientras que los partidarios de permanecer en las sociedades hispanas miraban las posibilidades de formar unas comunidades Muslims also Hispanic, the seed of future conversions and achievements of Islamic power in Spain.

major political topic had to be precisely the capacity of reception facilities in the Maghreb for those Muslims Hispanic societies in the sixteenth century, as seen in two well documented examples in Morocco and Algeria.

B. Tetouan military reconstruction by Granada of AlMándari

One of the most important consequences of the fall of Granada to the North African society, was the reconstruction of the city of Tetouan, the Grenadian leader Al-Mandari, who was able to attract many of his fellow migrants occupied the Nazari Kingdom of Granada.

Tetouan was-and remains-the gate of the Rif mountain region, which is south, and overlooks the coastal plain is the north by the mouth of the river and finally Ivory Ceuta peninsula, off Hispanic. For its strategic location, had been the victim of a Christian issue, in 1437, which swept, while your neighbor Ceuta was conquered by the Portuguese (1415) and would much later by the English (1640) 21.

The work of Al-Mandari was precisely to create a host structure, civil and military, in the Maghreb. Built-or rebuilt- a city with all its Islamic urban structures, the establishment of a Muslim immigrant population. But these immigrants also reinforced with defensive military structures of Maghrebi society very seriously threatened by the strong expansive power of the Hispanic kingdoms, in the Atlantic and the Mediterranean from Melilla to Tripoli, in less than fifteen Aryans.
The Lion
African, contemporary and compatriot of Al-Mandari, briefly recounts his exploits, with details that emphasize its action of reception and integration of Muslims in Al-Andalus in the Maghreb, in its military and civilian:

"... obtained permission to restore government of the city and benefit from it. Rebuilt all the walls of Tetuan, building a very strong fortress, and girded by a moat that strength, and the city wall. Then he fought constantly with the Portuguese. Often caused much harm to Ceuta and Tangier Alcazarseguer. Had, in effect, permanently get three hundred horsemen, all the flower of Granada and Granada ... This man was extremely generous to the point of hosting a foreigner who was passing through ...».

This and other examples can be seen that the structure of society to accommodate the North African Muslim immigrants from the Iberian Peninsula, at the time, was an urban structure with its cosmopolitan cities, not rural areas more or less mountainous half of the Maghreb (Algeria now) or end Maghreb (Morocco) 24. And

express or implied intention to strengthen the military structures of political power in the area, both for domestic and foreign policy.

Moroccan Andalusian in armies

Two well-known facts Moroccan military policy throughout the sixteenth and early seventeenth centuries show the importance of the military structure at the service of Muslim rulers in the phenomenon of Muslims revere Mudejar immigrants from Spain and the Moors in the neighboring Maghreb.

El primero es la participación de un cuerpo de ejército, compuesto por soldados moriscos y dirigidos por su jefe el almeriense Pachá Jáudar, en la expedición marroquí que envió el soberano Áhmad Al-Mansur Adh-Dháhabi a conquistar Tumbuctú y el cauce septentrional del río Níger. Esta expedición ha sido interpretada no sólo como una operación comercial marroquí para controlar el comercio de la sal, del oro y de otros productos subsaharianos, sino también para alejar de la corte marroquí a cuerpos de ejército poderosos, de origen extranjero y sospechosos de intervenir en las luchas políticas marroquíes. La ventaja de su fidelidad al soberano, por su origen extranjero, to dominate the Moroccan people and their groups, could become a problem if they wanted to intervene in the policy itself Moroccan leaders, leaning in favor of either side of the corte25.

Just a few decades later, just before the great expulsion of the Moors in Spain in 1609-1614, action or defection of the army corps of the Andalusians caused the negative outcome of the battle called "Three Kings" that sank the Moroccan empire into chaos and anarchy for over thirty years.

Andalusian immigrants at birth and power of Algiers Algeria

-The state, province or regency of Algiers, as it was called, synthesizes, otherwise, the same host structure elements of Muslim immigrants in Spain, which have been detected in Moroccan society, before the big final expulsion XVII century.

Algiers - "The Islets" in Arabic, or "The Rock of Algiers," as he was called in Castilian-was a negligible population at the foot of the hills by the sea, and became a great military port protected the islets before him, in the first decade of the sixteenth century. The Barbarossa brothers, architects of this transformation, they were strangers to the region and delivered to 1517 el fruto de su trabajo -la ciudad y los territorios que habían conquistado, hasta las fronteras marroquíes- a otros extranjeros, los turcos del Imperio Otomano, que desde su capital Estanbul dominaban ya Anatolia, el Oriente árabe y gran parte de los Balkanes. Era la mejor forma de atraer a los otomanos hacia el Mediterráneo occidental, para que defendieran el Mágreb islámico de las ocupaciones hispánicas ya mencionadas. Así nació el espacio político argelino moderno, a principios del siglo XVI, como ciudad-estado marítimo y con un hinterland montañoso controlado por vías de comunicación de antiplanicies y de salidas al mar por unos pocos puertos (Bona, Chichel, Bujía, Cherchel, Tenés, Mostaganem, Honéin, etc.).

Creating Algiers thus corresponds to the period of the forced conversion of Muslims in Moorish and Mudejar Hispanic quite persecuted, religiously and in their habits and customs, especially the people of Granada. The creation of this great cosmopolitan city, which attracted all kinds of Mediterranean with hope for the future, Berbers of the interior, European converts to Islam, Eastern Muslims of various backgrounds and Hispanic-Moorish emigration offered a very appropriate social structures to accommodate them.

can not describe here all the elements of these social structures. But they are very well documented about cuerpos de ejército andalusíes -ya en la tercera década del XVI-, y moriscos de las costas valencianas instalados en el puerto de Cherchel vecino de Argel y haciendo naves para las autoridades otomanas, así como toda clase de artesanos que contribuyen a la prosperidad de la capital (en la contrucción, en las nuevas conducciones de agua, en el comercio y en todo lo relativo a las artes de navegación). También puede presuponerse el inicio de la agricultura alimentaria y de la arboricultura de los andalusíes, muy bien documentadas con los poblados moriscos posteriores a la gran expulsión, en el Valle de la Mitidja que rodea a las colinas costeras de Argel26.

El paralelismo con Marruecos es evidente: ciudad nueva como Tetouan, corps land and sea in the service of Muslim political authorities-here, new, in Morocco, more traditional, and, overall, cosmopolitan urban structures are very flexible, where Muslims out of tune and where Hispanics could be inserted with relative ease English Muslim migrants, both Moors as "Old Christians" newly converted to Islam, in search of new life in this "overseas" so close.

2. HOST STRUCTURES WHEN THE GRAND FINAL IMMIGRATION

2.1. Initial rejection of the Maghreb to the Moorish society

The expulsion was very determined and organized with tanta rapidez como secreto. No se negoció el punto de destino con los países de acogida. Lo principal era su destierro o eliminación de los territorios españoles.

De ahí que la primera etapa de las expulsiones (1609) fue una chapuza oficial que degeneró en una catástrofe para los emigrantes expulsados, los valencianos. Tenían que dirigirse a los puertos magrebíes de Orán-Mazalquivir, ocupados por España desde 1505, y desde esas ciudades amuralladas ser expulsados hacia los territorios circunvecinos, ocupados por tribus seminómadas sedentarizadas y políticamente dependientes del acuartelamiento turco de Mostaganem (a unos 50 kilómetros, al este), de la ciudad de Tremecén (Tilimsán) (About 150 south) and the capital of the province or regency of Algiers vilayet (over 500 kms. In the east).

just landed, were thrown into Algerian territory, since neither the narrow peninsula of Fort Mazalquivir, nor the strength of Oran could conveniently accommodate these crowds, nor feed them. Then, rural populations, who saw their land invaded by these aliens who had no covenant, or linguistic affinity, and even cultural and sartorial, began to defend themselves and plunder ruthlessly. Not planned, nor the English side, or by Maghreb, the most basic host structure of English forced migrants. Alerted

Muslim authorities, both of Algiers as the neighboring kingdom of Morocco (about 200 kms. Oran, west), sent troops to defend the Moors, to punish the looters and those who had direct managed to escape to the Algerian and Moroccan cities, respectively.

host The fundamental structure remained, as in the past, traditional cities of Morocco and Algeria cosmopolitan and the rest of the Ottoman Empire, with its commercial and artistic abilities, the surrounding agricultural and military structures, all in need and favoring labor, especially labor specialized in many of the rich Moorish English society.

But poor initial reception, which took months to be corrected (and was cheered in Spain by Christians in favor of the expulsion as a punishment from God to Muslims cling to their Islamic faith), provoked strong reactions in Spain, where the process removal was carried out at a breakneck pace, the characteristics were fatal to the Moors, were transported to ports by their military or feudal lords, who were depleted, they embarked for Oran-Mazalquivir in military aircraft, where some (few) escavitud were reduced by the officers, or civilian auxiliary ships, coming Europe around the Mediterranean, attracted by the business, juicy if wealthy Moors were paid to be taken to Algiers and other Muslim cities (and then landed on the beach were closer Maghreb, as documented, or thrown into the sea after offal).

This circumstance led rebellions in the mountains of Valencia, the Moors who did not want to migrate to these hazardous conditions, rebellions were crushed militarily.

But on the other hand, Christian leaders, ecclesiastical and secular, were interested in the salvation of the souls of children Moors, inevitably doomed to be Muslims when they migrated to territories Islamic. Intended, therefore, they are taken from their parents expelled and their education trust whose pious Christians form part domesticity. Given the natural resistance of Muslim parents, had to be devised an intermediate: expel the Moors to European Christian lands, where they could educate their children in the Christian faith as long as they are not removed (English sources narrate piercing screams of mothers without their children to embark at the port of Seville, for example).

2.2. Expulsion for Europe: integration and Step

The reasons, briefly exposed, that they defied the emigration of Oran and other places English in the North African coast or direct shipment to Muslim countries, forced the English government to develop new routes for expulsion. These were from neighboring France or some Italian states. Still reigned in France, Henry IV, of Navarre, who had had dealings with the Moors in anti-English policy, and the ruler of Tuscany Italy planned to enrich the economic investments of some rich Moorish and a cheap labor for dried and processed into rich agricultural areas of the country's diverse wetlands.

The road to France to go to Muslim lands is documented by some travel routes of the Moors, during the XVI, which have reached us. Some Moors until they had installed on French ports and expelled the Moors helped to sail to other lands, as they had done with individual cases before the expulsion.

Because the inclusion of the Moors in French society was very difficult and only achieved in very few cases and with instability. Soon became clear that France, like Venice and Tuscany, proved a mere transit point for thousands of Moors, which are then shipped to Morocco or to the North African territories, Balkan and Anatolian Ottoman Empire.

2.3. Morocco: Marrakech capital and coastal cities de Tetuán y Salé-Rabat

La capacidad de acogida del territorio y de la sociedad marroquíes fue muy importante, pero se canalizó por las estructuras urbanas tradicionales del sultanato, sumido políticamente en una importante guerra civil.

La capital Marrakech, al sur, al pie del Atlas y no lejos del desierto sahariano, había recibido durante siglos a inmigrantes de Al-Andalus. Con la dinastía saadí había integrado a lo largo del siglo XVI numerosos moriscos, como los cuerpos de ejército ya mencionados o al conocido escritor bilingüe y diplomático granadino Áhmad Al-Háchari Bejarano29. Los inmigrantes solían desembarcar en los puertos portugueses de la costa atlántica, having relations with the capital. It is not clear whether they used the trail starts from the thousands of immigrants Moors of the great expulsion, given the chaotic political situation in the capital, in those years. Instead

is well documented the so-called Moorish Republic Rabat Salé ", which he occupied for several decades that the strategic coastal river mouth Bu-Regraga, led politically by a group of Moors, enterprising merchants, originating Hornachos Extremadura population, and specialized in Spain in the commercial trajineo. Trade in saletinos was done mostly by sea, with a complex diplomacy que intentaba contrarrestar la continua presión de los jefes locales de la región y la de los soberanos marroquíes, que acabaron sometiendo a la ciudad, superadas las guerras civiles.

Al norte, la ciudad de Tetuán y sus alrededores prosiguieron con su acción de acogida de musulmanes peninsulares, que había iniciado AlMándari, un siglo antes.

Entre Tetuán y Salé, un jefe militar de origen andalusí, Gailán, mantuvo durante décadas una lucha continua contra los portugueses y los españoles que ocupaban diversos puntos costeros. Contaba con tropas moriscas y tenía que defenderse también de la población local y de los moriscos de Tetuán y de Salé, a los que tried to gouge for the subsistence of their followers.

This situation was more or less the direct administration of the Sultanate of Marrakech to effectively take the power the new dynasty Chorfa in the middle of the century. But the status of autonomy in the periphery, to the great weight of Andalusian throughout the northwestern coast of the kingdom, helped many Moors to integrate into the society of North African sultanate, which fully assimilated, but save some Hispanic features, which have sometimes been preserved until today, also due to the continuous flow of geographical proximity to Spain.

2.4. The Ottoman Empire: Algiers Túnez, Trípoli, Egipto y el Máshrek, Estambul, Balkanes y Anatolia

El Imperio Otomano, nacido en la península de Anatolia, resurgió con tanta fuerza de la gran crisis general de Oriente Medio producida por los mongoles de Tamerlán, a principios del siglo XV, que no sólo conquistó la mítica Bizancio / Constantinopla / Estambul (1453), sino que a principios del siglo XVI se había hecho con la soberanía de casi todo el mundo árabe (menos Marruecos), desde Argelia hasta la Península de Arabia y el Irak. A lo largo de todo el siglo XVI, apoyó decisivamente a los moriscos musulmanes de España, especialmente desde su provincia (vilayet) de Argelia, aunque su eficacia no correspondiera a las esperanzas de triunfo sobre los españoles, que habían puesto en ellos los moriscos. 30

No se puede uno extender, en la brevedad de este artículo, en las estructuras de acogida del Imperio Otomano con respecto a los moriscos, ni a los numerosos estudios monográficos realizados sobre la insersión de los moriscos en Argelia y sobre todo en Tunisia33, Libia34, Egipto35 y Anatolia36. Pero sí pueden señalarse dos características generales que caracterizan al gobierno otomano en su política de acogida de los inmigrantes moriscos expulsados de España.

Primero, que hubo una política general del Imperio Otomano sobre esa insersión, desde el Mágreb a Anatolia y los Balkans, coordinated effectively from the Sublime Porte in Istanbul, as shown by Abdelmajid docuentación Temimi with ottoman.

Second, that policy was based on his experience of governing Eastern different ethnic or religious groups letting them have their own chiefs, subject to the Ottoman authorities in each province.

So the Andalusians had their "sheikh" in Tunisia, at least in Tunis and Tripoli, and his "emir sanchak" in Moorish deployments in Anatolia, in the coasts of Cilicia and at the border with persas37. But this institution or administratively, as "minority" did not succeed or the Maghreb, or East: In the Maghreb, the lack of tradition of this form of political group (with the exception of the Jews and indigenous Christians, they only in the High Middle Ages), in the rest of the Ottoman Empire probably due to the low number of Hispanic immigrants.

But mostly dominated by the Moors desire to integrate into their host societies, as believers, Muslims and Arab-speaking, increasingly ignoring other features Hispanic, limited to the awareness of Hispanic origin and some features that tradition.

2.5. Summary of migrants revere Moors, by a contemporary

A contemporary Algerian writer of the great expulsion, AlMaqqari of Tlemcen, in the end of his monumental history of the Muslims of Al-Andalus, describes the implementation of the Moors expelled in a few lines of great value synthetic: "They left thousands to Fez [Morocco] and thousands of others to Tlemcen [Algeria], from Oran, and masses of them for Tunis [Tunisia]. In its land routes, Bedouins overpowered them and people who do not fear God in the land of Tlemcen and Fez, took off their wealth and few were free from these evils which instead went to Tunis and its environs, came almost all healthy. They built

towns and villages in uninhabited areas, so did in Tetouan, Salé and The Mitidja of Algiers.

Then the Sultan of Morocco took some of them armed soldiers. Also settled in Salé. Others devoted to the noble profession of war at sea and is very famous now in defense of Islam. Salé fortified castle and there they built palaces, baths and houses, and there are now.

A group arrived in Istanbul, Egypt and Greater Syria, as well as other Muslim regions. Now so are the andalusíes40

2.6. Recent migrants to the Maghreb Moors (XVIII century) seemed

with the great "ethnic cleansing" of the expulsion of the Moors from Spain in 1609-1614, was over the lengthy period of stay of Muslims in the Iberian Peninsula and in the Iberian Peninsula: nine centuries (711-1614). Some historians (Cardaillac L., M. Garcia-Arenal, B. Vincent) have found some documents, particularly the Inquisition, in which are some Moors in the decades after the great expulsion, especially of Moorish exiles returning to Spain or are captured at sea and judged as apostate-curious logic of the inquisitorial approach, with forced baptized who had been driven not just by ser cristianos, sino musulmanes inconvertibles-, últimos emigrantes de ida y vuelta, en un azaroso Mediterráneo41.

A partir de esa época (hacia 1640, según Cardaillac42), ya sólo habría en España musulmanes esclavos, «prisioneros de guerra», hasta la supresión generalizada de la esclavitud en el siglo XIX43, viajeros (comerciantes y diplomáticos) y musulmanes españoles o establecidos en España modernamente, amparados por la libertad religiosa reconocida por los artículos 16 y 27 de la Constitución Española de 1978, por La Ley Orgánica de Libertad Religiosa (B.O.E. 20-07-1980) y específicamente por la Real Orden de 10 de noviembre de 1992, que reconoce the State Partnership Agreement with the Islamic Commission of Spain (BOE 12/11/1992), recently extended as regards the Muslim religion programs public non-university education (BOE 18/01/1996) 44. This same legislation, to preserve the privacy of religious faith in the English administrative law and not allowed to know the number of English Muslims and only about foreigners, if originating mainly populated countries musulmana45

But a curious episode in the first third of the eighteenth century (between 1727 and 1732) will renew the status of a crypto-Muslim, who had kept secret in English society granadina46. Discovered by mutual denunciations to the Inquisition, they are judged very leniently by some inquisitorial courts to draw up a compendium of Islamic beliefs, highly structured with Christian beliefs compatible with Islam, in order juzgarlos47. Mostly integrated into Christian society, with fairly mild sanctions, some of their leaders were expelled from Granada and fled to the Muslim society of the Ottoman Empire (first to Izmir, a major port in western Anatolia, and finally to Tunisia, where even today their descendants are part of a large bourgeois family in the capital, which even gave a prime minister Bey, in the forties) 48.

The text of the daily English hospital director in Tunisia, Francisco Ximénez, which informs us of the arrival of these Granada is very significant in their insertion into the Muslim society. As of July 27, 1731, said: "It's written from Smyrna to Cherif Castelli a Moza La Joa who claims to be descended from the Albencerrajes, a native of Granada, warden of the tower of olive groves and Taxales door, which was by the Inquisition of Granada Moorish punished for four years in exile and has spent with his brothers and sisters to Izmir. From there, / p, 214 / intends to come to live in this city. There will be four years that he was punished. "49

The Arabic name for the leader of this group of immigrants can make the link between Granada and their modern descendants Tunisians: Musa [Musa, Moses] The Joa ['al-ijwa "Lakhoua currently written in French, meaning" the brothers, "precisely" his brothers and sisters "of the English text, which were left as a last name]. But the text of Francisco Ximénez adds more: Granada reports that refugees in the Ottoman Empire Cherif target Castelli, great personality descendant of the Moorish Andalusian immigrants of the seventeenth century, wealthy businessman and brother of Jaznadar or finance minister or governor Bey the highly autonomous province or regency de Túnez; de ambos habla extensamente Ximénez en su diario.

Por tanto, aquí también, los emigrantes musulmanes de la Península se insertan en el Mágreb árabe gracias a la fraternidad de los andalusíes que les precedieron. Éstos lo hacen además con una solidaridad de clase, entre burgueses adinerados. Los granadinos expulsados eran emigrantes que pudieron salir con fuertes sumas de dinero, no sabemos cómo o por qué. Pero traían dinero, que invirtieron en una importante artesanía pre-industrial, la fabricación del «bonete tunecino» o «chechía», que era casi monopolio estatal llevado por los andalusíes del país, donde los Lakhoua llegaron a ser dirigentes, en el siglo XIV". El dinero fue un poderoso factor positivo de insersión para estos granadinos, como lo había sido ya antes, para los moriscos o los andalusíes en genera 51.

La conclusión de este episodio tardío de las emigraciones de musulmanes moriscos españoles permite una conclusión final: aunque las estructuras de acogida fueran generales y variadas, la actuación individual y la suerte diversa condicionaron también los resultados de la insersión, con más peso a veces que las estructuras de acogida de la sociedad receptora. Parece que es ley general de todas las emigraciones.

APÉNDICE :

REFLEXIONES SOBRE LA INSERSIÓN SOCIAL DE LOS ESPAÑOLES EN EL MÁGREB FROM THE LATE MIDDLE AGES

This text was presented in Barcelona in 1975 and published in the proceedings of the / / International Congress for the Study of Cultures Western Mediterranean, Barcelona, \u200b\u200b1978, 161-165. Given the nature and circumstances of that meeting, local and international tensions caused by the imminent death of Franco and its bloody history, this text can be regarded as virtually unprecedented. I appreciate the opportunity that allows me to publish it with full force and autobiographical, from my experience of the English labor migrant in North Africa between 1971 and 1974 in the universities of Tunis, Algiers and Oran. The Congress

devoted to Mediterranean migration is useless to study the host structures that have the sociedades50 to where they end
migrants. This communication, limited the Islamic Maghreb from the Middle Ages, attempts to reflect that reaches the modern era, from known data and without having to expose a very extensive bibliography and also well known.

Muslim society in general has a general integration structures, according to the categories of people from the Muslim believer, theoretically fully equal rights, to the infidel polytheist or idolater or renegade, absolutely devoid of rights. Además, existen en la socidad musulmana otras categorías públicas, reconocidas más o menos por la sociedad y hasta a veces por la religión y el derecho: califa, experto en religión, ricos y pobres, hombres y mujeres, profesiones diversas, niños y ancianos, etc. A cada categoría de personas corresponde una forma de inserción social o de asimilación, que repercuten en la integración de los emigrantes.

Aquí vamos a estudiar: 1° la situación general de las inserciones de españoles o extranjeros en el Mágreb islámico, y 2° preguntarnos en particular por la acogida de una categoría especial de extranjeros, que siempre ha sido difícil de situar socialmente por parte de los historiadores: los convertidos al Islam o «renegados», extranjeros que quieren vivir en el Mágreb con plenitud de derechos (profesionales, cívicos, familiares...).

I. Esquemática descripción de los grupos de emigrantes en la Edad Media

Hay que empezar tomando como base de acogida la situación de la sociedad magrebí, es decir, la sociedad de los musulmanes árabes, ya que el elemento beréber no tiene, en general, más estructuras de inserción del extranjero que las que le proporciona una sociedad de estado según el modelo árabe-islámico. Se conoce algún caso de pacto entre españoles y tribus beréberes, pero ninguno de asimilación Europeans in Berber society, at least in the Middle Ages, unless you have taken the power of Arab-Islamic.

sociolinguistic The problem also arises with a Berber ethnic element of Hispanic origin, emigrated to the Maghreb, the Moorish or Andalusian, the XVI-XVII centuries. Different customs and almost universal ignorance of the Arabic language were to form a separate group that took a while to assimilate. But when they learned the language started to form a sub-group of Arab-Islamic society in the Maghreb, in which only distinguished by their origin, Al-Andalus, that is, a territory of the Arab and Islamic world for North African consciousness. Here the common religious factor instrumental in its rapid and complete integration in the Maghreb.

Other North African subjects are integrated in a special way in the Arab-Islamic society is the Jews of the Maghreb. Differentiating factor here is not primarily linguistic, but very religious. Like all "protected" (Christians and Jews), with some social discrimination pay the price of the special preservation of their faith and their pre-Islamic traditions, within the Arab-Muslim society. Are integrated in it, but differently from the Muslims. Jews English origin were integrated to the group of North African Jews, the subjects of the Muslim states. But later came as Italian and even English subjects with unassimilated alien status.

treated as foreigners can be considered those who embrace Islam, converted or rogue called, depending on how you look. The religious factor and not that constitutes an element that prevents its integration into Muslim society and to the technical and political exercise important in it. However, they are always, and sometimes their successors-in group of "conversos" ("ilch) shifting faith. The statute is full of them Muslim reconocido en principio, con precedentes gloriosos en tiempos del Profeta Mahoma. Hay muchos españoles en este caso en el Mágreb, ya desde la Edad Media.

Dentro de la categoría de los extranjeros asimilados están las mujeres no musulmanas esposas de musulman. Si se convierten al Islam, entran en la situación general de los convertidos. Pero la religión musulmana prevé que puedan conservar su fe, aunque no la puedan trasmitir a sus descendientes que, hijos de musulmán, seguirán la religión de su padre. En los casos que conocemos de españolas casadas con musulmanes en el Mágreb, pocas eran las que conservaron su religión, hasta tiempos muy recientes.

El caso de extranjero no musulmán que se casa con una musulmana está expresamente prohibido en el Islam. Por eso no puede ser un camino de integración, sino de rechazo por parte de la sociedad islámica.

Hay otros extranjeros que no se asimilan en la sociedad islámica, pero que conviven con ella. Son los extranjeros establecidos al amparo de tratados o capitulaciones, o como viajeros protegidos por las autoridades musulmanas y las representaciones «diplomáticas» aceptadas por ellas. Esta forma de presencia hispánica en el Mágreb tuvo pecisamente su época cumbre en la baja Edad Media. Comprendía a militares al servicio de los soberanos y algunos otros «técnicos», que a veces abrazaban el Islam para poder ejercer mejor su oficio y gozar most influential and civic rights, traders, more or less stable, church, serving the Christian community or managers of hospitals and purchase of slaves themselves "diplomats" who were also traders and represented the country and defended his subjects and their interests.

Finally there are not assimilated by foreign Islamic Maghreb society: the infidel polytheists or idolaters, in general, Muslims who renounce their religion, and the enemies of Islam who are waging war against Muslim countries. The first two categories are hardly the English even if it applies to Christians often polytheistic title Trinity and has a case of North African Muslim named in English territory. Instead, all the English are included within the category of enemies of Islam that must be fought, especially if they occupy Islamic lands (Al-Andalus, Granada, plazas Maghreb). Hence the constant and deep inasimilación of places or territories occupied by Spain in the Maghreb, isolated or harassed by Muslims.

One consequence of this war is the situation of slavery, war booty from the Maghreb, made its way into North African society. Has an intermediate status between that of the polytheistic enemy of Islam (which should be killed) and the subject of 'protected' (being Christian), with some of the rights of foreigners living (diplomats, businessmen, church ...) with which it has multiple relationships.

These are, schematically, the various categories or forms of integration of foreign immigrants, particularly English, in the Islamic Maghreb. Within each group would find, of course, new subgroups, according to places and times.

2. Current survivals of these forms of integration in the Maghreb

These traditional forms of integration in the Islamic Maghreb have been greatly modified today, after the colonial parentheses under the impact of modernity and the new international relations. But they have some measure of continuity it deserves it worth noting. Let's see then what remains of these structures host of Hispanic immigrants.

No migration of English Muslims. The descendants of the Moorish or Andalusian are perfectly integrated into the Arab-Islamic Maghreb, although often remind their Hispanic origin.

Most of the Jews protected by Spain, or have availed themselves of French nationality (eg, Tunisia) or have emigrated to Spain or its territories (eg, Morocco). However, their situation in the Maghreb is no longer as discriminatory and in the Middle Ages and in theory enjoy equal civil rights with their fellow Muslims, despite the inevitable impact of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict and the weight of discriminatory lore.

non-Muslim women Muslim wives are more numerous now to preserve their religion. Saved in general also English nationality, which enjoy most of the rights of foreigners resident in the country.

The case of a non-Muslim married to a Muslim is still very difficult asimilable en el Mágreb. Si se convierte al Islam, sigue un proceso de integración familiar y social que le va insertando cada vez más en el Mágreb islámico. Si no, el fenómeno de rechazo le obliga a volver a su país, con o sin su mujer.

El caso de los extranjeros establecidos, más o menos provisionalmente, en el Mágreb se ha extendido mucho y goza de múltiples garantías internancionales, concordes con la evolución de los tiempos, pero en la misma línea de convivencia no-asimilable en la Edad Media. Esta situación tiende a asemejarse a la instalación de todos los emigrantes de un país a otro, en el mundo. Son técnicos diversos -en quienes la conversión al Islam es rarísima-; church serving the Christian communities, charities are religious-especially women-and teaching, which makes them technical reality, in public or private English company, which sometimes form technical working equipment when is not only to sell products but to sell factories and public works, usually in English-Maghreb cooperation, diplomatic or similar services, etc..

Note that medieval services, including military support, come in at more indirect, in the diplomatic or international specialized agencies and not sending troops. Also the number of travelers, tourists has increased travel facilities.

Finally, slaves spoils of war have disappeared. The international situation peace has followed the wars of colonial occupation and independence. The settlers, as a result of the political situation before, have been forced to migrate slowly due to numerous limitations that have been imposed Maghrebi laws which virtually excluded foreign real estate, mostly rural.

After this brief overview that clarifies the concepts in the analysis of situations, we may wonder better at different insertion in the Middle Ages and today, the foreigner who wants to gozar de plenitud de derechos en el Mágreb, especialmente si quiere trabajar allí como técnico con su competencia profesional. Es tema complejo, íntimamente ligado por una parte a la situación de falta de técnicos magrebíes que obliga a los diversos países magrebíes a instaurar una «cooperación técnica» con europeos después de la Independencia, y por otra parte, a la ya sensible situación de paro laboral que afecta ya a algunos sectores profesionales, empezando por la enseñanza.

Pero se puede resumir diciendo que el técnico extranjero en la Edad Media, para ejercer plenamente su trabajo y gozar de todos los derechos cívicos en el país, tenía que integrarse en la Maghrebi society by converting to Islam. This condition is not necessary now, except to marry a Muslim. That would indicate that the structure of traditional Islamic past is still in the family status in the public and professional life. But we must recognize that, fulfilling a number of freedoms that the alien is like the Maghreb, the status of foreign coach has made in society unassimilable very unstable Maghreb and its presence in the Maghreb. Until his conversion to Islam, the source of an almost complete equality of rights and full social integration in the Middle Ages, it now assures permanent placement in the Maghreb with granting of citizenship, naturalization.

can therefore conclude that "the English in the Maghreb emigrants tend to be of a single class of aliens in temporary, with full rights, but with limited integration." Mikel
Epalza was Professor of Arabic and Islamic Studies. University of Alicante.
NOTES:
1 See my little study on the passage of the Arab-Islamic notion of 'rizq "(" divine help "in travel) to the modern" risk "(" danger ") through the medieval Italian and insurance against maritime risks in the Mediterranean, M. de Epalza, «Notas sobre la etimología árabe-islámica de «riesgo»», Sharq Al-Ándalus. Estudios Árabes, Alicante, 6, 1989, 185-192.
2 «Árabes» por la lengua, «musulmanes» por la religión, los «andalusíes» de Al-Ándalus [Península Ibérica musulmana] y los «magrebíes» del Mágreb o Magreb [Noroeste de África] tenían grupos específicos: lingüísticamente, los «hispanos» que hablaban una lengua derivada del latín, llamada actualmente «lengua mozárabe», y los «beréberes» o amazigh que hablaban -y hablan aún hoy en día- diversas formas del «beréber» o «bereber»; religiosamente, también coexistieron durante muchos siglos con los «musulmanes sunníes», generalmente dominantes y cada vez más mayoritarios, comunidades reconocidas de «judíos» y de «cristianos» [llamados actualmente «mozárabes»], con otros grupos musulmanes (fatimíes y otros movimientos chiíes, jarichíes, bargawata, etc.). Ver para estas nociones, y para la realidad actual del Islam, M. de Epalza (dir.), L'Islam d'avui, de dema i de sempre, Barcelona, 1994.
3 Natural de Tánger (1304-1377), sus relatos de viaje fueron recogidos por el andalusí IbnChuzái de Granada y han sido traducidos al castellano: S. Fanjul; F. Arbós, Ibn Battuta. Through Islam, Madrid, 1981. The most important ship of the shipping Libyan named Ibn Batuta, emblematic of the Arab travel.
4 The best representative of this genre is probably the Andalusian writer, in the Valencia region, Ibn-Chub (1145-1217), whose work has also been translated into Castilian, F. Maíllo, Ibn Jubayr. Through the East. The twelfth century before our eyes. Rada, Barcelona, \u200b\u200b1988.
5 We must remember the general historical vocabulary to describe the Peninsular Muslims, "al-Andalus" or originating from Al-Andalus, Hispania Islamized or the Iberian Peninsula under the political power Muslim 'Mudejar' when living in the English Christian kingdoms (Aragon, Castile, Navarre, Portugal), in communities or "Jewish communities" officially recognized as Muslims, "Moors," when these Mudejar are forced to convert to Christianity, although Most of them remain faithful to their Islamic identity, secretly, such as crypto-Muslims. Other medieval names such as' Hagrites "," Ishmaelites "," Saracens "- designating the Muslims in general are not currently used. Nor 'Moor', by its pejorative sense.
Geographically, the Maghreb, Maghreb means any Muslim or western North Africa Western: the UMA (Arab Maghreb Union) brings together the states of Libya, Tunisia, Algeria, Morocco and Mauritania. All its inhabitants are called, therefore, "Maghreb." But sometimes there is some ambiguity in our day, because the Moroccans or "inhabitants of the Kingdom of Morocco" (name in all European languages, which comes from its traditional capital, Marrakech) called themselves "Maghreb" (named current Arab country, The United Maghreb Maghreb). The press is increasingly using "North African" to refer to the Moroccans (for example, "the passage of the North Africans in Spain" in summer) leaving the more traditional term of "Moroccan" and creating misunderstandings with other North Africans. This misunderstanding is very conscious in many Muslims in Ceuta and Melilla, "Maghreb" in Castilian and "Moroccan" in Arabic. "
on the Moors in general, see the classic synthesis of A. Domínguez Ortiz - B. Vincent, Story of the Moors. Life and Tragedy of a minority, Madrid, 1978, 1985, 1989 and M. of Epalza, The Moors before and after the expulsion, Madrid, 1992, 1994. On the expulsion, M. latest scientific contributions of Epalza (dir.), L'eject bear Moors. Consequencies islamic sermon in the sermon i Cristi, Barcelona, \u200b\u200b1994 [43 papers and communications, Castilian, Catalan, French and English]. To keep abreast of scientific literature on Moorish and Moorish contribution in the journal literature Sharq Al-Andalus. Arab Studies, University of Alicante [from vol. 1, 1984, currently with the Center for Studies with the caption Mudéjares Mudéjares and Moriscos, from vol. 12, 1995] and in the newsletter Aljamiado [in collaboration with the University of Oviedo, 1989], by Drs. LF Bernabé Pons, M. of Epalza and F. Franco Sanchez, area Arab and Islamic Studies, de la Universidad de Alicante.
Ver unas reflexiones sobre el tema en M. de Epalza, «Reflexiones sobre la insersión social de los españoles en el Mágreb a partir de la Baja Edad Media», Segundo Congreso Internacional de Estudios sobre las Culturas del Mediterráneo Occidental, Barcelona, 1978, 171-165 [reproducido como apéndice al final de este artículo]. Ver también mi participación en los dos volúmenes de Destierros aragoneses, Zaragoza, 1988, 217-227, ambos muy interesantes para nuestro tema: «Caracterización del exilio musulmán: la voz de mudéjares y moriscos».
8 Ver M. de Epalza, «Costas alicantinas y costas magrebíes: el espacio marítimo musulmán Arabic texts as "Sharq Al-Andalus. Arab Studies, 3, 1986, 25-31; 4, 1987, 4548. 9 See
ritual ceremonies in E M. Couple Islamology, Madrid, 1952-1954, Volume II, 538546; A. Machordoms Comín, The Pillars of Islam, Madrid, 1979, 60-69, and in any treatise on the rites and Islamic precepts.
10 See, for example, excellent overview of A. Hourani, History of the Arab peoples, Barcelona, \u200b\u200b1992, or specialized studies compiled by JL Corral Lafuente, M. of Epalza, The Islamic City, Zaragoza, 1991.
11 See magnificent novel that portrays rather the beginning of this exodus, Professor of Medieval History de la Universidad de Zaragoza Dr. José Luis Corral Lafuente, El Salón Dorado, Barcelona, EDHASA, 1996.
12 Ver el caso emblemático del valenciano Ibn-Al-Abbar, que intervino en la rendición de la ciudad de Valencia (1238), de cuyo soberano era ministro, y que pasó a tener varios cargos en la corte de Túnez, donde acabó condenado a muerte. Estudios variados y muy completos en M. de Epalza; J. Huguet (coords.), Ibn Al-Abbar. Polític i escriptor árab valenciá (11991260), Valencia, 1990 [17 estudios, en castellano, en catalán-valenciano y en francés]. Ver también M. de Epalza, «Las influencias de las culturas de Al-Ándalus en el Mágreb», en M.A. Roque (ed.), The cultures of the Maghreb, Madrid, 1994, 1975-1989 (trans. Catalan, in Les cultures of the Maghreb, Barcelona, \u200b\u200b1994, 63-73). 13 See two curious
autobiographical passenger pilgrims, but also with a Maghrebi installed in Aragon and prepares alfaqui Mudejar emigration and ended up staying in the kingdom of Tunis, all through Mallorca and Tortosa, M. of Epalza, "Two Moors texts bilingual (Arabic and Castilian) travel to the East (1395 and 1407-1412)", HespérisTamuda, Rabat, XX-XXI, 1982-1983, 25-112. For the last period of Mudejar Valencia before their forced conversion of 1526, see E. Salvador, "On the migration Mudejar Barbary. Legal traffic through the port of Valencia in the first quarter of the sixteenth century ', Studies, Valencia, 4, 1975, 39-68, and MD Meyerson, Els Valencia Muslim era l'i Ferran Isabel. Coexistence between the croada i, Valencia, 1994.
14 See the classic studies Ladero Quesada MA and JE López de Coca, renewed on the occasion of the commemoration of the V Centenary of collective works which have addressed these two professors of Medieval History, Complutense Universities and Malaga, respectively. 15
overviews of this problem for centuries and today, in MI Fierro, "Migration in Islam: Concepts antiguos, nuevos problemas», Awráq, Madrid, 12, 1991, 1141; K. Abou al-Fadl, «Islamic law and Muslim minorities: the juristic discourse on Muslim minorities from the second/eight to the eleventh/seventeenth centuries», !Islamic Law and Society, Leiden, 1, 1994, 141-187; A. Carmona, «Los nuevos mudéjares: la shari'a y los musulmanes en sociedades no-islámicas», en M. Abumálham (ed.), Comunidades islámicas en Europa, Madrid, 1995, 49-59.
16 Ver mi conferencia innaugural del I Coloquio «La Voz de Mudéjares y Moriscos», Universidad de Alicante (marzo 1995): M. de Epalza, «La voz oficial de los musulmanes hispanos, mudéjares y moriscos, a sus autoridades Cristian: cuatro documentos, Arabic, castellano y catalán-valenciano in "Sharq Al-Andalus ..., 12, 1995, prensa. Ver
17 AM Turki, "Legal Consultation LMAM Al-Al-Mazari on the case of Muslims living in Sicily under the Normans," Mixtures of Saint Joseph University, Beirut, L, 1984, 691 - 704, including "For or against the legality of stay of Muslims in territory reconquered by the Christians: Justification doctrinal and historical reality," Religiongesprüche im Mittelalter (B. Lewis - F. Niewöhner edits.) Wiesbaden, 1992, 305-323, confirmado in-the-práctica en el estudio de H. Bresc, "Pantelleria entre l'Islam et la Chrétienté», Les Cahiers de Tunisie, Túnez, XIX/75-76, 1971, 105-128. Reciente edición completa de las fatwas de Al-Mazari, por el profesor T. Al-Ma'múri, Fatáwá...al-Mazári, Túnez, 1994.
Ver H. Bouzineb, «Respuestas de jurisconsultos maghrebíes en torno a la inmigración de musulmanes hispánicos», Hespéris-Tamuda, Rabat, 26-27, 1988-1989, 53-66; P.S. Van Koningsveld; G.A. Wiegers, «The Islamic statute of the Mudejars in the light of a new source», Al-Qantara, Madrid, XVII/1, 1996, 19-58.
19 Ver L. Sabbagh, «La religion des Moriscos entre deux fatwas», en L. Cardaillac; B. Vincent; P. Dedieu (editores), Les Morisques et temps, París, 1983, 45-56, y trabajos anteriormente citados sobre este tema.
20 Ver G. Gozálbes Busto, Al-Mandan, El Granadino, .fundador de Tetuán, Granada, 1988, 1996.
21 Ver una excelente y reciente presentación general de la historia de Tetuán, por J.L. Miége; M. Benaboud; N. Erzini, Tétouan. Ville andalouse marocaine, París, 1996, y A. Djbilou, Tánger, puerta de África. Antología de textos literarios hispánicos, 1860-1960, Madrid, 1989. Sobre la Ceuta musulmana y sus restos arqueológicos, hasta nuestros días, excelente y también reciente estudio de C. Gozálbes Cravioto, El urbanismo religioso y cultural de Ceuta en la Edad Media, Ceuta, 1995.
22 Ver resumen de la historia de estas ocupaciones, con el catálogo y principales reproducciones hispánicas conservadas de esas ciudades, en M. de Epalza; J.B. Vilar, Planos y mapas hispánicos de Argelia (siglos XVI-XVIII), Madrid, 1988.
23 Traducción en G. Gozábes Busto, o.c., 26-27.
24 " Ver M. de Epalza, Los moriscos, antes y después..., pp. 137-258.
25 En la abundante bibliografía sobre la expedición, ver M. García-Arenal, «Los andalusíes en el ejército Sa' adi: un intento de golpe de estado contra Ahmad Al-Mansúr Al.Dhanabi (1578)», Al-Qantara, Madrid, V, 1984, I. Diadié Haidara, El bajá Yawdar y la conquista Sa'did of Songhay (1591 - 1569), Almería, 1993, and comprehensive understanding of the politics of those Moorish or Andalusian in M. Epalza, The Moors before and after ..., pp. 294-295. 26 See M.
of Epalza, The Moors before and after ..., pp. 205-259, and N. Saidouni, "Les Morisques dans la province d'Alger" Dar es-Soltan 'pendant les XVIe et XVIIe siecle', in M. of Epalza (ed.), L'exili bear Moors ..., 140-146.
27 See, for this process of expulsion H. Lapeyre, Géographie de l'expunge morisque, Paris, 1959 [English translation, no indexes, Valencia, 1986]; M. of Epalza, The Moors before ..., pp. 119-129 and M. of Epalza (ed.) Moors bear ... as well as their sources.
28 The Moors policy with France and its journey across the country, when the great final expulsion, have been studied by L. Cardaillac, G. Shall trouble-Delof and others, but very interesting little documentation (see in particular chapters and L. M. Cardaillac Epalza in Receuil d'études ..., pp. 89-113 and 150-186, respectively) 29 29 See study
C. Samelli in Receuil d'études ..., pp. 348-257; complete edition and study of autobiographical travel writing in Arabic, by M. Razuq (Casablanca, 1987) and other studies of J. Penella, C. Samelli and G. Wiegers. 30 See
documented work together, from his thesis doctoral, de G. Gozálvez Busto, «La república andaluza de Rabat en el siglo XVII», Cuadernos de la Biblioteca Española de Tetuán, Tetuán, 9-10, 1974, 7-469, y volumen en árabe de M. Razuq sobre las emigraciones de los moriscos, Casablanca, 1989.
31 Ver M. de Epalza, «Les Ottomans et l'insertion au Maghreb des Andalous expulsés d'Espagne au XVIIe siécle», Revue d'Histoire Maghrébine, Túnez, 31-32- 1983, 165-173; trabajos de A. Temimi y artículos sobre la esperanza morisca en los turcos de L. Cardaillac y M. Sánchez.
32 Ver N. As-Sa'idúni, «La colonia andalusí en Argelia: su importancia demográfica, actividad económica, situación social "Awráq, Madrid, 4, 1981, 111-124, 234 (in Arabic, with summary in Castilian), and Article.
33 Synthesis in M. of Epalza, The Moors before and after ..., 205-259; sets of monographs M. of Epalza, R. Petit (edits.), and SM Zbiss oc ... oc
34 See recent monograph by E. Lapiedra, "The Moors in Libya", L'expelling Moors bear ..., 369-371.
35 See AA Abdel-Rahim, "Al-Moriscos Settlement in Egypt Through the Religious Court Documents of The Ottoman Age ', in L'expelling Moors bear ..., 158-163. 36 See A.
Temimi, "face to Ottomane Politique et l'implanatation Morisques to l'insertion des en Anatolie», en L'expulsió deis moriscos..., 164-170.
37 Ver datos en M. de Epalza, «Moriscos y andalusíes en Túnez en el siglo XVII», Al-Andalus, Madrid, 34, 1969, 284-293, con versión en francés M. de Epalza; R. Petit, o.c., 175-181,
38 Ver A. Temimi, o.c. Tengo un pequeño estudio, a partir de los documentos publicados por Temimi, que muestra el doble carácter de las colonias moriscas según la política otomana, evidentes en el caso de Anatolia: son colonias agrícolas alrededor de las ciudades y son colonias en zonas militares de frontera, terrestre o marítima. Tendría que salir publicado en la revista Sharq Al-Ándalus. Estudios Mudéjares y Moriscos, Teruel, 13, 1996. 39 See M.
of Epalza, "Lexis and Onomastics Hispanic of the Moors, held in Tunisia", presentation by Mudéjares Studies Symposium VII (Teruel, 1996), in press. 40
translation with commentary in M. of Epalza, The Moors before and after ..., p. 148. 41 See
recent publication of B. Vincent, "Et quelques voix de plus: Francisco Núñez Muley Ratal to Fatima," Sharq Al-Andalus. Mudejar and Morisco Studies, Teruel, 12, 1995, in press. 42 See L.
Cardaillac, Moriscos and Christians: a controversial confrontation (1492-1640), Madrid, 1979. 43 See 43
their removal, at least with regard to the Moroccan and state ownership, with the actual agreements between Charles III and Sidi Muhammad Ben-Abdallah, the late eighteenth century, studied in detail by R. Lourenco and M. Arribas Palau, in an inclusive political process of peace between Spain and Muslim countries, presented by M. of Epalza 'Interests Arab and English interests in the Hispanic Muslim peace XVIII', Journal of Contemporary History, Murcia, 1, 1982, 7-17. 44 See 44
overview of the problem in M. Abumalham (ed.), Muslim Communities in Europe, Madrid, 1995. Recently, J. MORERAS, 'Les Accords de Coopération between 1' Etat Islamique Anglais et la Commission d'Espagne», Revue Européenne des Migrations Internationales, 12/1, 1996, 77-89. 45
45 Sobre los musulmanes españoles, la bibliografía es escasa: ver A. Abumálham (edit.), o.c. [especialmente capítulos de Losada, Tatary y Valencia]; M. de Epalza (dir.), L'Islam d'avui... [especialmente capítulo de Epalza y Moreras]; F. López Barrios; M. J. Haguerty, Murieron para vivir. El resurgimiento del Islam y el Sufismo en España, Barcelona, 1983; y reciente encuesta de T. Roland-Gosselin, Convertis á l'Islam. Aujourd'hui, á Séville , Paris (Fondation pour le progrés de l'homme, vol. 73), 1995 (con prólogo de M. dé Epalza, «Situations de "Conversion" dans les sociétés socioreligieuse ibériques (Ve-XXe s.) ', pp.5-13, 121-122. 46
slideshow generally well documented, Rafael de Lera García, "Crypto-Muslims to the Inquisition of Granada in the s. XVIII ', Hispania Sacra, Madrid, XXXVI, 1984, 1-55, and in his still unpublished doctoral thesis. 47
47 View this curious text, whose internal logic has not yet been sufficiently studied, Urgoiti MS Carrasco, M. of Epalza, "The manuscript" errors of the Moors of Granada "(A core criptomusulmán eighteenth century) ', Fontes Rerum Balearum, Palma de Mallorca, III, 1979-1980, 235-247.
48 » Ver M. de EPALZA, «Nuevos documentos sobre descendientes de moriscos en Túnez en el siglo XVIII», Studia historica et philologica in honorem M. Badlori, Roma, 1984, 195-228, especialmente pp. 213-4.
49 Ver nota precedente.
50 P. Teyssier, «Le vocabulaire d'origine espagnole dans l'industrie tunisienne de la chéchia», Mélanges offerts ú Marcel Bataillon par les hispanistes français, Bulletin Hispanique, Bordeaux, LXIV bis, 1962, 732-740, reproducido en M. de Epalza; R. Petit, o.c., 308-316.
51 Ver D. Brahimi, «Quelques jugements sur les Maures Andalous dans les régences turques au XVIIe siécle», Revue d'histoire et de la civilisation du Maghreb, Argel, 9, 1970, 39-51, reproducido en M. de Epalza; R. Petit, o.p., 135-149, y M. de Epalza, «Moriscos y andalusíes en Túnez en el siglo XVII», Al-Andalus, Madrid, XXVIII, 1969, 247-327, traducido en M. de Epalza; R. Petit, o.c., 150-186.
52 Estas reflexiones sobre las estructuras magrebíes para recibir a españoles o hispanos peninsulares en general, a lo largo de siglos de historia, nacieron de mis personales estancias en el Mágreb, entre 1963 y 1974, de estudios históricos generales y experiencia de la realidad social magrebí, de mis estudios y publicaciones sobre los moriscos emigrados a Túnez y del estudio del más ilustre emigrante hispano en el Mágreb el franciscano mallorquín Anselm Turmeda, converted to Islam in the late fourteenth century, Tunisian rulers officer and writer in Catalan and Arabic (with its Arabic name Abdullah At-Tarchumán), puya grave is a monument in the capital, with a plate of municipalities of Tunis and Palma de Mallorca. Was the subject of my doctoral thesis, defended at the University of Barcelona in 1967, published in Rome in 1971 and again in Madrid in 1994: Brother Anselm Turmeda (`Abdallah al-Tarjuman) and Muslim-Christian polemic.