Fonte: http://www.webislam.com/?idt=14732
Un siglo attempt to assimilate the Moriscos in no way alters their personality. They were very faithful to its traditions, suffering an injustice, being forced to convert by force as the Christian religion and tried to escape further strengthen their ties with their brethren across the Mediterranean. Felipe II lay out where evil and strengthened its policy of assimilation of the minority. Were repeated decrees forbidding them to move from their villages of origin, change of address or sir, circular or near the coast, sail to Barbary pirates to communicate with and relate to their siblings or conceal Aragon and Granada.
A pesar de todas las medidas tomadas al respecto, la segundad mitad del siglo XVI fue el escenario de una ida y vuelta continua a través del Mediterráneo entre España y Argel. El proceso de Abdallah Alicaxet es un caso ejemplar de los moriscos que se establecieron del otro lado del Mediterráneo en un momento en que las fronteras estaban totalmente cerradas1. Las denuncias a este respecto abundan. Los procesos inquisitoriales atestiguaban que, eventualmente, buena parte de los moriscos perseguidos mantenían una correspondencia fija con el «rey» de Argel2 y el de Francia. El peligro de una eventual intervención del imperio otomano creaba una psicosis de peligro en España, una atmósfera de inseguridad, de duda y de perplejidad.
Inquisitorial
Many testify that many Moriscos of Valencia had joined the Ottoman corsairs roamed the Maghreb and the Mediterranean Sea trade practice of selling and buying of Christian captives, others maintained a correspondence between the Jewish communities and other foreign powers and a survey prepared of the Moors supported by the Turks. The country looked very threatening and the Moor again a national and international problem.
His rejection of the conversion, his denial of integration, assimilation, and other political and religious reasons led the government of Philip III to decide finally expulsion. The decision was made April 9, 1609. The Moors were to be expelled from the Iberian Peninsula starting with Valencia, considered the most Islamized and therefore dangerous.
The edict of expulsion of the Moors in Valencia, issued by the Marquis de Caracena the September 22, 1609, provides some exceptions, and ordered that they should stay for 6 percent of the Moorish families in order to meet certain work-related tasks field, indicating that the Moors were expelled agricultural specialists in many trades. They can stay for children under six years with their parents, though the mother is Christian nueva3.
other edicts were enacted giving permiso a los moriscos a llevar los hijos menores, con la única condición de pasar por un país cristiano para confirmar aún más su cristiandad. En 1610 se verificaba la presencia en España de 1.832 niños menores de 7 años.
Pero muchos moriscos rehúsan abandonar sus tierras y se levantan en algunas zonas. Salieron en total, según la estimación de Henri Lapeyre, 275.000 moriscos del reino de España4. Los autores contemporáneos de los moriscos elevan la cifra a 340.6725 y no cesan de enumerar las crueldades infligidas a los desgraciados moriscos echados obligatoriamente de sus territorios.
Según la información suministrada por Fonseca y Juan Luis de Rojas, muchos moriscos fueron asesinados6 in the way of expulsion or on the Algerian coast. Also according to attorney sources were more exposed to pillage or died during the voyage from exhaustion and hunger.
Not all countries of destination were always friendly, the indigenous African population proved hostile to the English immigration but it was Muslim.
The expulsion order, issued after 100 years of sincere conversion attempts, shows that the Moor had never accepted integration into the Christian world and had always felt very different from the mainstream population. Mohamed Alguazas, Moorish Morocco expelled resident says que: «en más de cien años después de la conquista de España por los cristianos, jamás salieron de su ley» a pesar de que la Inquisición «cada día les quemaba por Moros».
Los procesos de la Inquisición posteriores a la expulsión aclaran y ponen de manifiesto que el morisco una vez en Berbería consolidó aún más su identidad religiosa acudiendo a unas escuelas religiosas donde aprendían algunas oraciones, pues las autoridades regionales les ayudaban en este sentido.
De repente, el morisco cambia de medio geográfico y cultural y se encuentra en medio de una población musulmana entre la que estaba esparcida una antigua población de origen español7. En efecto, por la proximidad a la Península Ibérica, Argelia, Marruecos y Túnez venían recibiendo oleadas de andaluces desde fechas muy lejanas. El continuo vaivén de hombres de uno a otro lado del Mediterráneo se convirtió en vía de dirección única desde que el predominio cristiano se hizo aplastante.
Con la reconquista, muchos mudéjares emigraron hacia Túnez y se establecieron en la capital. Algunas calles de la Medina hoy en día llevan su nombre: calle de Granada, calle de los Andalusíes y calle de Sevilla. Cada región, cada gran ciudad reconquistada significaba un nuevo éxodo que empobrecía al-Andalus y enriquecía las tierras norteafricanas, proporcionándoles artisans, merchants, intellectuals and statesmen. Most of this migration is directed to cities and formed the core of its bourgeoisie.
The fall of the kingdom of Granada gave new impetus to this emigration, and throughout the sixteenth century continued the steady exodus of Moors. Although they were forbidden to approach the coast or live near the coast, particularly on the Valencian coast, many Moors got out and went to the other shore of the Mediterranean, on its own will, and taking advantage of some pirates. The escapes from the kingdoms of Granada and Valencia in the sixteenth century Muscovy were numerous. But the great migration to the Maghreb was carried out from 1609 with the general expulsion.
Morocco, because of wars and internal strife, was not ready to receive thousands of immigrants from Andalusia, but despite this many arrived there and most of the Moors who came to Morocco in 1610 were from Andalusia, Castile and Extremadura , although not very numerous compared with those who came to Algeria and Tunisia. They arrived there about 40,000 Moors, dressed in speaking English and Castilian. These were not well received, they were accused of Christians and at times suffered martyrdom.
A large number of Moors, especially Valencia, went to the coast of Algiers. These were the tuvieron peor suerte pues encontraron tribus bárbaras que los despojaron y maltrataron sin piedad. Pero el grupo más compacto y el más afortunado fue el que arribó a tierras de Túnez.
Como en el resto del Magreb, los recién llegados encontraron allí muchos andalusíes que habían emigrado cuando empezó la reconquista, pues había efectivamente andalusíes en Túnez por lo menos desde el siglo XIII. Muchos sevillanos llegaron allá después de la conquista de Sevilla en 1248. También llegaron muchos del Levante e Ibn Jaldún, que escribía en el siglo XIV, dice que entre ellos había ilustres familias de príncipes, sabios, poetas y guerreros. De nuevo se intensificó la migratory flow from 1492, heading for the capital of Tunis, Sfax, Gabes and Sousse.
But the great migration took place in 1609 and is computed at about eighty thousand people, considerable number for a small and little poblado8. Tunisia at that time had a million inhabitants in total and immigration would increase the country's population of 10 to 15 percent. Among them were a few Valencia, most of Castile and Aragon. They were lucky to be very well received by the Turkish dey Uthman, who realized that his contribution would be valuable for the development of country9. Tunisia at the time was a primitive country, sparsely populated due to epidemics and wars that plundered and impoverished the country. Uthman Dey Andalusian knew that immigration could be beneficial for a country and primitive wilderness. He was a tolerant and wise king, open-minded and somewhat prone to progress. I knew that the entry to their country of high-quality people and a cultural level, could improve the country and consolidate its position on the Sublime Porte, which was a vassal. Was arranged to receive waves of English immigrants a superior level of craftsmanship and agriculture and integrated by artisans, merchants, farmers, small industrialists, architects, artisans and artists, who granted many privileges from the first momento10. Dispensed from port charges to the ships that brought them, gave them a tax holiday for the first years of its installation, given the choice of districts or land, provided them with seeds and wheat to sow the land and other official protection measures for easy installation.
According to the testimony of a Morisco expulsion in Tunisia, the Moors were welcomed by King:
"There we were Uthman Dey, King of Tunis, superb condition and for us meek lamb, Citi Bulgaiz with His holiness and people with ICLAM, and all efforts to accommodate us and giving us with great love and friendship. Uthman Dey took a habit of paying each vessel nce hundred crowns the entrance on the ground that was encouraged to bring this city "11.
Many were those who supported and acted in favor of immigration Moorish. One can cite Abu al-Gayz al-Qassas, religious figure and letters, who forced the people of Tunisia to receive in their homes to newcomers, and made available to Arabic-language instructors to teach them language and Muslim religion. Likewise also opened several mosques and supported religious instruction of the Moors could be done in Castilian was this is the only language they knew. Abu al-al-Qassas Gayz she dedicated her existence in favor of the Moors and did her best to be granted to them decent housing and feeding. On the other hand were granted complete freedom of movimientos12. Distributed alms to the poor, many of whom had been dispossessed during the crossing, while others made their way to Tunisia with money and personal items of great value. Thanks to the protection of al-Qassas, the Moors were from the first moments immersed in an atmosphere of hospitality and could continue to use writing in English and this allowed them to develop their own literature in the exilio13. According to testimony
Inquisition, the Moors who came to Tunis were mostly Christian, spoke Castilian and were in good numbers blond with blue eyes. From the first moments were forced to convert to Islam and should adopt the Tunisian way of life, something that was difficult. They were totally different and very far in the way vivir14. In the eighteenth century, the separation was still very visible, and even today, although damped, are fingerprints. The most wealthy Moors remained in Tunis and found refuge in Medina, while the rest of the Moorish population was established in four major areas:
1-Medjerda river valley and around Tunis. 2-
northern Plains in the Tunis-Bizerte road. 3-
northern Plains in the Tunisia-Nabeul road. 4-Zaghouan
next to the mountain that gives water to the aqueduct Túnez15.
As mentioned, the wealthy, the wise, and members of urban corporations were set up in uptown, near the fortress and palace of government, about the present streets of the Andalusian and Palace Square. Were also installed in some neighborhoods of the capital, where as before there was a "street of the Andalusian" and a "zuqaq al-Andalus', in the Medina near Bab Mnara and Kasba. Artisans occupied suburbs, especially north of the old site of the city in Halfawín (neighborhood of esparto grass), Bab-Suwayqa (zoquito door, where he built a mosque that is still preserved) and al-Fajjarin (Potters Square).
The gardeners and small industries were established on the outskirts of the capital in new centers created for them: Ariana, Djedida, Teburba, etc., Where they continued their traditional activities, increased small textile industries and promote trade between regions with the introduction of the car. Others found refuge in the Bard and endowed the city of new gardens where they planted a variety of fruit trees. Were also established in the Manuba, the Sukra, Cartago, Gammarth, Mornag, Sidi Bou Said and Radès.
But the largest group was composed of peasants and farmers, and they settled in the vacant agricultural areas, especially in the Cape Bon (Grombalia, Suleiman, Turki, Belli and Nianu), and in the valley of Medjerda. Other populated regions in high places abandoned or ruined Roman cities as Testur, Medjaz el-Bab, Djeida, El Batan, Slughuia, Qal-el-Andalus, El Alia, Bizerte, Raf Raf, Ras El-Jebel, Porto Farina , Medjez El-Bab el-Oued Grish, Menzel Bourguiba, Menzel-Djemila, Metline, Mater, and Tebursuk Aousdja. Almost all features set out in the north of the country or on the banks of the largest river país –el Medjerda– o bien en la región del Cabo Bon, región muy fecunda. Muchos escogieron la región montañosa de Zaghouan, muy abundante en agua subterránea –la que desde el tiempo de los romanos surtía a Cartago–16.
Desde su llegada a Túnez, los moriscos tendían al agrupamiento por entidades regionales de procedencia, es decir, que aún en tierra extraña el valenciano seguía sintiéndose distinto del granadino y del mudéjar castellano. La especialización profesional también imponía criterios de agrupación, conforme a la antigua costumbre de reunir mercaderes y artesanos en calles y barrios especiales. Tal ocurrió en la Medina de Túnez, or in Bizerte, which each had their Humate al-Andalus or neighborhood of Andalus, endowed with a certain autonomy.
craft prosperity of Tunisia and to a lesser extent in other populations, received great impetus with the arrival of these refugees, many of whom arrived with his toolbox. Improved the technique of silk in all its phases. Gained special importance in the manufacture of caps (sheshia) whose vocabulary is still artisanal English origin largely 'Cover', 'hone', 'banku', 'batitur "," kabisa "," kushnilla. " Teyssier17 forty-seven has grouped words that are used today in day sheshia souk in the Medina of Tunis. Many scholars have been engaged in the manufacture of sheshia in Tunisia and John D. Latham18, Sophie L. Ferchiou19 or Valensi20, demonstrating the value their contribution Moorish revival and new development in the seventeenth century.
Pottery also has a Moorish tradition in Tunisia. Moorish contribution consisted of a renewal of the subjects treated with bright colors. The Andalusian motifs are also present in the pictorial decoration of ceilings, friezes, walls and patios.
The architectural renovation that met the stated capital in the construction of lavish homes, some with patios, marble, stucco and tile, fountains and gardens accused Al-Andalus. Jacques Revault a description of these palacios21, citing Haddad Dar, Dar-Balma, Dar el-Asfuri, Dar Kastalli and many others.
Improvements in agricultural land were very noticeable. All who have occupied the country of Tunisia, historians, geographers and travelers have noted the great contribution it vital that marked the arrival of many thousands of peasants experts renewed irrigation techniques, planted fruit trees and gave a great impetus to certain crops, especially horticulture and jardinería22. The most notable contribution is the planting of olive and orange trees Spain23 well developed plantations.
Indeed, the wars in Tunisia accelerated the destruction of all ancient Roman plantations. The Moors took these lands to animate and provide them with new plantings of English origin. Suddenly the regions took the look of an authentic English region. The Moors introduced new production techniques as the original installation of an irrigation system, ditches, linear and more orderly plantations, tree pruning and grafting, particularly in the valley dela Medjerda and Cap Bon.
other hand introduced a specific irrigation system transporting water from the slopes vecinas hasta los pequeños aguaduchos que desembocaban en las plantaciones. En Soliman cavaron pozos para la irrigación de los olivares alejados de los ríos. Allí se daban excelentes cosechas.
En el siglo XVIII todavía los pueblos de origen español eran florecientes, aunque hoy están decaídos y la huella hispánica tiende a borrarse. Sigue siendo fuerte en algunos como Testur, situado en el valle del Medjerda, que, teniendo las tierras más fértiles de Túnez, se encontraba a la llegada de los moriscos entregado al pastoreo y, a lo sumo, al cultivo extensivo de cereales. Ellos introdujeron cultivos irrigados en las llanuras bajas, leguminosas y cereales en las tierras de secano situadas a media altitud, reserving the highest for the forest.
consciousness of his individuality and its superiority allowed them to maintain relatively pure ethnicity and folklore for a long tiempo24 group. The Moors who arrived after 1609 were more Hispanicized and were difficult to integrate into Tunisian society and disrupt early in its urban aspects. Inbreeding was widespread among them: a French traveler reports that the Moorish women preferred to remain single than marry a Bedouin. Were working, clever, intelligent and good housewives. They were conscious of belonging to a superior and more civilized world.
According to the testimony of Juan de TERP, he asked a friend submit a Moorish woman before being transferred to Algiers because he thinks that women were more skilled Aragonese household chores that the Algerian, "he has asked to locate a Moorish woman to pass him to Algiers serve and marry her because of there not succeed in serving or cooking such as here '25.
also revolutionized the Moorish Tunisian sartorial tradition of the time. Aznar Cardona, a tireless critic of the Moors made a very detailed description in 1612 of the Moorish woman at the time of the expulsion and said the following:
"With your jewelry, large silver medallions resting on its chest, hanging from his neck, chains, necklaces, earrings, bracelets, coral reefs, a thousand concoctions and a thousand colors in their dresses, as if they wanted to hide something from the suffering of his heart "26.
And later adds:
"... well, each has more gold than others have of flow in the richest stores, and luck, the smallest things are decorated with the queen of this land had not before our arrival and have left these things hazernos damage, because envy is an animal Benen "27.
Today, many customs of the Tunisian women are originally from Moorish times. The more affluent tend to have servants to handle household chores and children and they spend their time fulfilling social obligations, meetings, visits, family ceremonies or often spend evenings in the bathroom, washing and chatting with friends. Are equally good wives and most of the time are subject to marido28. On Friday evening I go to the mosque or the zawiyya to spend some time with some friends accompanied by their children when they are young.
Others are engaged in some manual work all day knitting, embroider or spin. In many regions, particularly in the Alia and Qal-el-Andalus women continue with the original Moorish dress consisting of a brightly colored gown with wide sleeves, preferiblemente amarillo, verde o azul29. Casi todas salen a la calle con la almalafa tejida de lana, muy similar a la que aparece en los grabados contemporáneos de moriscas de Weiditz o Heylan. Usan los antiguos productos naturales a base de plantas para pintarse de la misma manera que las moriscas (gustan, por ejemplo, de llevar lunares). En cuanto a la joyería, en Túnez las mujeres llevan todavía las arracadas en las orejas y pulseras a la morisca (Chnachen).
En cuanto al arte culinario, casi toda la comida tunecina actual saca su origen de la época morisca30. Un buen número de platos datan del siglo XVII. Los moriscos introdujeron los platos agridulces a base de frutas, nueces y almendras. Muchos platos son preparados a base de harina, sémola y de carne. Hoy en día en Túnez capital, preparan «basabán», (mazapán), «cunfit» (confite), menteque» (manteca), «limún», (limón), «kullares» (collares de longaniza de cordero), la «oja», la (olla). En la cocina de procedencia andaluza entran platos de carne condimentados con abundantes especias y confituras hechas a base de harina miel o azúcar. Otras recetas son totalmente andaluzas como las empanadas (banadj). El tema de la gastronomía «morisca» merecería un estudio detallado, pues muchos platos tienen un discutido origen andalusí o morisco, particularmente en la capital del país.
Even today, physically, Andalusian, Tunisian descent is different from the indigenous features of his physiognomy and the light color of his skin and show some pride in their Andalusian origin. The use of English and Valencia have already been lost, but there are still plenty of material details, customs and family names that recall its origin such as personal names, family Chebil Seville Merichcou of Morisco, Cordoba Kortbi , Gharnati of Granada, Valencia and Saracosti Balanzi Zaragoza, Zbiss (Llopis), harvest (saffron), Xátiva Játiva, Tage (Tajo), Taruel (Teruel), Soria, Sordu Deaf, Sancho, Zaragusti, Rachico, Ricardun , Cabadu, Pérez, Pintur, Negro, Al-Munakabi (Almuñécar), Merquicu, Merichco, Méndez, Menara, Medina, Marcu, Manacho, Malaki, Kuinka, Kristu, Jhaín (Jaén), Ichbili, (Sevilla), Huiski (Huesca), Herrera, Harrús, Harabún, Garnata (Granada), García, Galantu, Cortubi (Córdoba), Castali (Castilla), Caravaca, Cantalán, (catalán), Buguerra, Blanco, Betis, Benavides, Bekil, Barin, Bantur, Balma (Palma), Arruich, (Ruiz), Andulsi, (andalusí), Alicanti, (Alicante). etc...
En algunas regiones fundadas por los moriscos, las fachadas de ladrillo de sus casas recuerdan al mudéjar aragonés, and conical tops of the minarets towers Toledo and Burgos. In Testour, one of the most curious peculiarities of their homes is that there are doors that are decorated with drawings cruciform nails. These same drawings found in some houses in the Medina of Tunis to differentiate the new Christian Indians migrated from the country.
Some of their customs spent the rest of the population. For example the clubs in the deck are called Tunisian dinar (gold), bastun (clubs), Esbat (sword) and kub (cups). Among the thousands of legal and commercial documents from the archives of the French consulate in Tunis, whose starting date is 1582, Mikel de Epalza found 246 references a moriscos, ilustrativos de sus actividades profesionales y también de su nivel de instrucción, pues se comprueba que su grado de alfabetización era superior al de los demás musulmanes. Algunos firmaban con caracteres latinos muchos años después de la expulsión. Los moriscos revolucionaron la vida económica tunecina y estuvieron en el origen de un gran florecimiento económico y cultural31.
Su época brillante en Túnez parece llegar hasta 1650. La segunda mitad del siglo es de estancamiento: las autoridades no les eran tan propicias, los impuestos llegaron a ser excesivos. En el siglo XVIII el grupo ya estaba amenazado de disgregación y asimilación, excepto en ciertos lugares donde formaban mayorías compactas como en la localidad de Testur. En el exilio, los moriscos, aunque inmersos en un medio arábigo-musulmán, continuaron escribiendo literatura española, porque la mayoría de ellos hablaban español y no eran capaces de escribir en árabe con soltura. Oliver Asín cita, entre otros escritores, a Abd al-Karim ben Ali Pérez, que en 1615 escribió una apología del Islam, incluyendo una diatriba, muy comprensible, contra la Inquisición y sus miembros; al morisco toledano Juan Pérez, que al establecerse en Testur tomó el nombre de Ibrahim Taibili y escribió poesía renacentista al estilo de Castilla. Un curioso pasaje de este escritor parece demostrar que conoció el Quijote en una edición hoy perdida. Se conservan también no pocas obras anónimas, la mayoría de contenido religioso, pero algunas inspiradas en la literatura castellana y así circulaban romances y poesías de Garcilaso, Góngora y Lope. Según Oliver Asín, Túnez fue la capital intelectual de todos los moriscos del Magreb. Allí se leían obras procedentes de Argel, como las poesías de Ibrahim de Bolfad, y de Marruecos, como la «Apología contra la ley cristiana» de Muhammad Alguazir, morisco de Pastrana.
Esta supremacía literaria de Túnez refleja, sin duda, la mejor acogida y más favorables condiciones de establecimiento que encontraron los moriscos que allí llegaron. Hacia 1720 un viajero defined the descendants of the Moors as "more civil and polite to other people", but "arrogant, harsh and hungry for glory." Seems to still be made on account of this, a joke.
In conclusion, the Moors were the builders of a new world on the other side of the Mediterranean. Tunisian population increased with successive waves of immigration changed the cultural landscape with the support of a new English-language literature written in exile. Field improved with the introduction of new species in plantations, encouraged the growth of small industries and boost trade between different regions; activity very developed in Spain before the expulsion.
Notes:
1. AHN, Inq. leg. 548, No. 1. Alicaxet was a privateer who participated in the organization and development of a conspiracy for a "possible" second revolt in the Peninsula. He had left Spain at age twenty in 1556 to settle in Muscovy. He established close friendship with the king of Algiers, and participated in the Battle of Lepanto as part of the Ottoman navy. Alicaxet parade was dedicated to selling Christian captives in Algiers, was plundering ships and helping new Christians to move across the Mediterranean at a time when they were forbidden to leave the peninsula.
2. For more details on the relationship of the Moors and the Ottoman Empire see: Boronat and Barrachina, Pascual: The English Moors and their expulsion, Valencia, 1901; Cardaillac, Louis, "Le Turc, suprême des espoir Morisques" Extrait du Cahier Série Histoire, Tunis, 1974, No. 1, Tome II, pp. 37-46. García Martínez, Sebastián: "Banditry, piracy and control of the Moors in Valencia during the reign of Philip II ', Studies, Valencia, 1972, 1, pp. 85-167; Carrasco, Raphael, "Peril morisque Ottoman et solidarité (La tentative des Morisques of soulèvement des années 1577-1583) ', Revue d'histoire Maghrébine, Tunis, 1982, n° 25-26, págs. 33-50 ; Temimi, Abdeljelil: «Une lettre des Morisques de Grenade au Sultan Suleiman Al-Kanuni en 1541», Revue d Histoire Maghrébine, 1975, 3, págs. 99-106; vincenT, Bernard: «Les bandits morisques en Andalousie au xviè siècle», Revue d’Histoire Moderne et Contemporaine, Paris, Juillet–Septembre 1974, XXI, págs. 389-400.
3. danvila y collado, Manuel: La expulsión de los moriscos españoles, Madrid, 1889, págs. 298-300.
4. lapeyre, Henri: Géographie de l’Espagne morisque, París, 1959, pág. 206.
5. Boronat y Barrachina, Pascual: Op. cit. págs. 304-305.
6. Rojas, Juan Luis de: Relationships of some events prosteros Barbary, Lisbon, 1612, f. 24-v; Fonseca, Damien: Just expulsion of the Moors from Spain, apostasy and treason instruction delle: and answer the questions that were offered on the field Desta, Rome, 1612, p. .. 272 et seq.
7. Brunschvi G, Robert: The Barbary Hafsides orientale sous les des origins à la fin du XVe siècle, tome 2, Paris, 1947.
8. Ibid.
9. Pignon, Jean, "an unpublished document sur la Tunisie au début du xvii siècle", Les Cahiers de Tunisie, Tunis, 1956, 15, pp. 301-326.
10. Epalza, m. of-Petit, A.: Etudes sur les Morisques Andalusian Tunisia, Tunis-Madrid, 1973, pags. 206-209.
11. Ibid.
12. Kress, Hans-Joachim: "Structural Elements" Andalusian "in the genesis of the cultural geography of Tunisia", IBLA, Tunis, 1980, 145 pags. 237-284 ..
13. Bernabé Pons, Luis F., "The Hispano-Moorish Tunisian writer Ibrahim Taybili (Introduction to Literature in Tunisia Moor), Mixtures of Archaeology, Epigraphy and History offered Zbiss Mustapha Slimane Tunis, 2001, pp. 249-272.
14. AHN: Inquisition, Leg. 548 No. 5 (1611) María Alaviat - número 21 (1624) Miguel Alias Amet, No. 13 (September 20 1720m) Amet, slave. Number 21 (1624) Miguel Boris (AMET). Leg. 549 No. 4 (1613) Maria Magdalena - number 13 John Borbay (1620). Leg. 550 No. 7 (1612) Jaime Carroz-number 29 Juan Domingo.
Number 21 (1621) Juan Chaez - No. 24 (1816) Chocor Hamet. Leg. 551 number 16 (1612) Francisco Felipe - No. 8 (1624) Jerome Farrach - 12 (1717) Juan Bautista Ferrer. Leg. 552 No. 34 (1611) Processing of Mary Tigir-number 22 (1612) Angela Malech, No. 2 (1613) Angela Mariana, No. 18 (1613) Jaime Cahat.
Leg. 553 Number 24 (1616-1621) Francisco Perez (Ali) - number 27 Box 2 Gil Perez (1582). Leg. 555 number 17 (1621) Christopher Socaltre. Leg. 556 12 (1621) Jerome Verge. Leg. 844 No. 23 (1614) Mary Jane Jerome.
15. Epalza, Mikel from: The Moriscos before and after the expulsion, Madrid, 1992.
16. Serna, Alfonso de la: Images of Tunisia, London: Institute for Cooperation with the Arab World, 1990, pg. 249.
17. Teyssier, Paul, "Le vocabulaire d'origine espagnole dans l'industrie tunisienne of sheshia" Epalza-Petit: Op.cit., Pg. 308.
18. Latham, John D, "Contribution à l’Étude de l’émigration andalouse et à sa place dans l’histoire de la Tunisie», Ibídem, p. 21.
19. Ferchiou, Sophie: Technique et société: la fabrication de la chéchia en Tunisie, Paris, 1971.
20. valensi, Lucette: «Islam et capitalisme: production et commerce des chéchias en Tunisie et en France aux xviiie et xixe siècles», Revue d’histoire moderne et contemporaine, Paris, 1969, XVII, págs. 376-400.
21. revaulT, Jacques: Palais et demeures de Tunis (xvi-xviie siècles), Paris, 1967.
22. valensi, Lucette: Fellahs tunisiens. L´économie rurale et la vie des campagnes aux 18è-19è siècles, Paris, 1977, pags. 103-104.
23. Hedi Cherif, Mohamed: "Ownership of olive trees in the Sahel from the early eighteenth than the nineteenth century", Proceedings of the 1st Congress of history and civilization of the Maghreb, Tunis, 1978, pags. 209-252.
24. Dachraoui, Farhat, "About the cultural reality of the Moriscos in Tunisia", in The Echo of the fall of Granada in European culture the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, in Proceedings of the Symposium of Tunis, Tunis, 1994, pág. 60.
25. AHN: Inq. Libro 964, f. 359.
26. Bahri, Raja: "Wandering of the Moors in the Mediterranean, after the expulsion of 1609," The Africa in the seventeenth century, Myths and Reality, Proceedings of the VIIth International Conference Centre Dating on the eighteenth century, Tübingen, 2003, pp. 189-201.
27. Ibid. p. 201.
28. Fournel-Guerin, Jacqueline, "The Moorish woman in Aragon", in The Moors and their time in Paris: ed. CNRS, 1983, pág. 525.
29. Sugier, Clemence: "Ornaments traditional Tunisian women compared to those of English Islam" Studies on the Andalusian Moriscos, Tunis, 1983, pags. 179-193.
30. Harzallah, Fatima: "Women Tunisian and Andalusian influence," in The Echo of the fall of Granada in the culture xvii européenne et aux XVIe siècles, Tunis, 1994.
JOURNAL OF MODERN HISTORY No. 27 (2009) (pp. 265-276) ISSN: 0212-5862
Raja Bahri Yassine, University of Manouba (Tunisia)
Un siglo attempt to assimilate the Moriscos in no way alters their personality. They were very faithful to its traditions, suffering an injustice, being forced to convert by force as the Christian religion and tried to escape further strengthen their ties with their brethren across the Mediterranean. Felipe II lay out where evil and strengthened its policy of assimilation of the minority. Were repeated decrees forbidding them to move from their villages of origin, change of address or sir, circular or near the coast, sail to Barbary pirates to communicate with and relate to their siblings or conceal Aragon and Granada.
A pesar de todas las medidas tomadas al respecto, la segundad mitad del siglo XVI fue el escenario de una ida y vuelta continua a través del Mediterráneo entre España y Argel. El proceso de Abdallah Alicaxet es un caso ejemplar de los moriscos que se establecieron del otro lado del Mediterráneo en un momento en que las fronteras estaban totalmente cerradas1. Las denuncias a este respecto abundan. Los procesos inquisitoriales atestiguaban que, eventualmente, buena parte de los moriscos perseguidos mantenían una correspondencia fija con el «rey» de Argel2 y el de Francia. El peligro de una eventual intervención del imperio otomano creaba una psicosis de peligro en España, una atmósfera de inseguridad, de duda y de perplejidad.
Inquisitorial
Many testify that many Moriscos of Valencia had joined the Ottoman corsairs roamed the Maghreb and the Mediterranean Sea trade practice of selling and buying of Christian captives, others maintained a correspondence between the Jewish communities and other foreign powers and a survey prepared of the Moors supported by the Turks. The country looked very threatening and the Moor again a national and international problem.
His rejection of the conversion, his denial of integration, assimilation, and other political and religious reasons led the government of Philip III to decide finally expulsion. The decision was made April 9, 1609. The Moors were to be expelled from the Iberian Peninsula starting with Valencia, considered the most Islamized and therefore dangerous.
The edict of expulsion of the Moors in Valencia, issued by the Marquis de Caracena the September 22, 1609, provides some exceptions, and ordered that they should stay for 6 percent of the Moorish families in order to meet certain work-related tasks field, indicating that the Moors were expelled agricultural specialists in many trades. They can stay for children under six years with their parents, though the mother is Christian nueva3.
other edicts were enacted giving permiso a los moriscos a llevar los hijos menores, con la única condición de pasar por un país cristiano para confirmar aún más su cristiandad. En 1610 se verificaba la presencia en España de 1.832 niños menores de 7 años.
Pero muchos moriscos rehúsan abandonar sus tierras y se levantan en algunas zonas. Salieron en total, según la estimación de Henri Lapeyre, 275.000 moriscos del reino de España4. Los autores contemporáneos de los moriscos elevan la cifra a 340.6725 y no cesan de enumerar las crueldades infligidas a los desgraciados moriscos echados obligatoriamente de sus territorios.
Según la información suministrada por Fonseca y Juan Luis de Rojas, muchos moriscos fueron asesinados6 in the way of expulsion or on the Algerian coast. Also according to attorney sources were more exposed to pillage or died during the voyage from exhaustion and hunger.
Not all countries of destination were always friendly, the indigenous African population proved hostile to the English immigration but it was Muslim.
The expulsion order, issued after 100 years of sincere conversion attempts, shows that the Moor had never accepted integration into the Christian world and had always felt very different from the mainstream population. Mohamed Alguazas, Moorish Morocco expelled resident says que: «en más de cien años después de la conquista de España por los cristianos, jamás salieron de su ley» a pesar de que la Inquisición «cada día les quemaba por Moros».
Los procesos de la Inquisición posteriores a la expulsión aclaran y ponen de manifiesto que el morisco una vez en Berbería consolidó aún más su identidad religiosa acudiendo a unas escuelas religiosas donde aprendían algunas oraciones, pues las autoridades regionales les ayudaban en este sentido.
De repente, el morisco cambia de medio geográfico y cultural y se encuentra en medio de una población musulmana entre la que estaba esparcida una antigua población de origen español7. En efecto, por la proximidad a la Península Ibérica, Argelia, Marruecos y Túnez venían recibiendo oleadas de andaluces desde fechas muy lejanas. El continuo vaivén de hombres de uno a otro lado del Mediterráneo se convirtió en vía de dirección única desde que el predominio cristiano se hizo aplastante.
Con la reconquista, muchos mudéjares emigraron hacia Túnez y se establecieron en la capital. Algunas calles de la Medina hoy en día llevan su nombre: calle de Granada, calle de los Andalusíes y calle de Sevilla. Cada región, cada gran ciudad reconquistada significaba un nuevo éxodo que empobrecía al-Andalus y enriquecía las tierras norteafricanas, proporcionándoles artisans, merchants, intellectuals and statesmen. Most of this migration is directed to cities and formed the core of its bourgeoisie.
The fall of the kingdom of Granada gave new impetus to this emigration, and throughout the sixteenth century continued the steady exodus of Moors. Although they were forbidden to approach the coast or live near the coast, particularly on the Valencian coast, many Moors got out and went to the other shore of the Mediterranean, on its own will, and taking advantage of some pirates. The escapes from the kingdoms of Granada and Valencia in the sixteenth century Muscovy were numerous. But the great migration to the Maghreb was carried out from 1609 with the general expulsion.
Morocco, because of wars and internal strife, was not ready to receive thousands of immigrants from Andalusia, but despite this many arrived there and most of the Moors who came to Morocco in 1610 were from Andalusia, Castile and Extremadura , although not very numerous compared with those who came to Algeria and Tunisia. They arrived there about 40,000 Moors, dressed in speaking English and Castilian. These were not well received, they were accused of Christians and at times suffered martyrdom.
A large number of Moors, especially Valencia, went to the coast of Algiers. These were the tuvieron peor suerte pues encontraron tribus bárbaras que los despojaron y maltrataron sin piedad. Pero el grupo más compacto y el más afortunado fue el que arribó a tierras de Túnez.
Como en el resto del Magreb, los recién llegados encontraron allí muchos andalusíes que habían emigrado cuando empezó la reconquista, pues había efectivamente andalusíes en Túnez por lo menos desde el siglo XIII. Muchos sevillanos llegaron allá después de la conquista de Sevilla en 1248. También llegaron muchos del Levante e Ibn Jaldún, que escribía en el siglo XIV, dice que entre ellos había ilustres familias de príncipes, sabios, poetas y guerreros. De nuevo se intensificó la migratory flow from 1492, heading for the capital of Tunis, Sfax, Gabes and Sousse.
But the great migration took place in 1609 and is computed at about eighty thousand people, considerable number for a small and little poblado8. Tunisia at that time had a million inhabitants in total and immigration would increase the country's population of 10 to 15 percent. Among them were a few Valencia, most of Castile and Aragon. They were lucky to be very well received by the Turkish dey Uthman, who realized that his contribution would be valuable for the development of country9. Tunisia at the time was a primitive country, sparsely populated due to epidemics and wars that plundered and impoverished the country. Uthman Dey Andalusian knew that immigration could be beneficial for a country and primitive wilderness. He was a tolerant and wise king, open-minded and somewhat prone to progress. I knew that the entry to their country of high-quality people and a cultural level, could improve the country and consolidate its position on the Sublime Porte, which was a vassal. Was arranged to receive waves of English immigrants a superior level of craftsmanship and agriculture and integrated by artisans, merchants, farmers, small industrialists, architects, artisans and artists, who granted many privileges from the first momento10. Dispensed from port charges to the ships that brought them, gave them a tax holiday for the first years of its installation, given the choice of districts or land, provided them with seeds and wheat to sow the land and other official protection measures for easy installation.
According to the testimony of a Morisco expulsion in Tunisia, the Moors were welcomed by King:
"There we were Uthman Dey, King of Tunis, superb condition and for us meek lamb, Citi Bulgaiz with His holiness and people with ICLAM, and all efforts to accommodate us and giving us with great love and friendship. Uthman Dey took a habit of paying each vessel nce hundred crowns the entrance on the ground that was encouraged to bring this city "11.
Many were those who supported and acted in favor of immigration Moorish. One can cite Abu al-Gayz al-Qassas, religious figure and letters, who forced the people of Tunisia to receive in their homes to newcomers, and made available to Arabic-language instructors to teach them language and Muslim religion. Likewise also opened several mosques and supported religious instruction of the Moors could be done in Castilian was this is the only language they knew. Abu al-al-Qassas Gayz she dedicated her existence in favor of the Moors and did her best to be granted to them decent housing and feeding. On the other hand were granted complete freedom of movimientos12. Distributed alms to the poor, many of whom had been dispossessed during the crossing, while others made their way to Tunisia with money and personal items of great value. Thanks to the protection of al-Qassas, the Moors were from the first moments immersed in an atmosphere of hospitality and could continue to use writing in English and this allowed them to develop their own literature in the exilio13. According to testimony
Inquisition, the Moors who came to Tunis were mostly Christian, spoke Castilian and were in good numbers blond with blue eyes. From the first moments were forced to convert to Islam and should adopt the Tunisian way of life, something that was difficult. They were totally different and very far in the way vivir14. In the eighteenth century, the separation was still very visible, and even today, although damped, are fingerprints. The most wealthy Moors remained in Tunis and found refuge in Medina, while the rest of the Moorish population was established in four major areas:
1-Medjerda river valley and around Tunis. 2-
northern Plains in the Tunis-Bizerte road. 3-
northern Plains in the Tunisia-Nabeul road. 4-Zaghouan
next to the mountain that gives water to the aqueduct Túnez15.
As mentioned, the wealthy, the wise, and members of urban corporations were set up in uptown, near the fortress and palace of government, about the present streets of the Andalusian and Palace Square. Were also installed in some neighborhoods of the capital, where as before there was a "street of the Andalusian" and a "zuqaq al-Andalus', in the Medina near Bab Mnara and Kasba. Artisans occupied suburbs, especially north of the old site of the city in Halfawín (neighborhood of esparto grass), Bab-Suwayqa (zoquito door, where he built a mosque that is still preserved) and al-Fajjarin (Potters Square).
The gardeners and small industries were established on the outskirts of the capital in new centers created for them: Ariana, Djedida, Teburba, etc., Where they continued their traditional activities, increased small textile industries and promote trade between regions with the introduction of the car. Others found refuge in the Bard and endowed the city of new gardens where they planted a variety of fruit trees. Were also established in the Manuba, the Sukra, Cartago, Gammarth, Mornag, Sidi Bou Said and Radès.
But the largest group was composed of peasants and farmers, and they settled in the vacant agricultural areas, especially in the Cape Bon (Grombalia, Suleiman, Turki, Belli and Nianu), and in the valley of Medjerda. Other populated regions in high places abandoned or ruined Roman cities as Testur, Medjaz el-Bab, Djeida, El Batan, Slughuia, Qal-el-Andalus, El Alia, Bizerte, Raf Raf, Ras El-Jebel, Porto Farina , Medjez El-Bab el-Oued Grish, Menzel Bourguiba, Menzel-Djemila, Metline, Mater, and Tebursuk Aousdja. Almost all features set out in the north of the country or on the banks of the largest river país –el Medjerda– o bien en la región del Cabo Bon, región muy fecunda. Muchos escogieron la región montañosa de Zaghouan, muy abundante en agua subterránea –la que desde el tiempo de los romanos surtía a Cartago–16.
Desde su llegada a Túnez, los moriscos tendían al agrupamiento por entidades regionales de procedencia, es decir, que aún en tierra extraña el valenciano seguía sintiéndose distinto del granadino y del mudéjar castellano. La especialización profesional también imponía criterios de agrupación, conforme a la antigua costumbre de reunir mercaderes y artesanos en calles y barrios especiales. Tal ocurrió en la Medina de Túnez, or in Bizerte, which each had their Humate al-Andalus or neighborhood of Andalus, endowed with a certain autonomy.
craft prosperity of Tunisia and to a lesser extent in other populations, received great impetus with the arrival of these refugees, many of whom arrived with his toolbox. Improved the technique of silk in all its phases. Gained special importance in the manufacture of caps (sheshia) whose vocabulary is still artisanal English origin largely 'Cover', 'hone', 'banku', 'batitur "," kabisa "," kushnilla. " Teyssier17 forty-seven has grouped words that are used today in day sheshia souk in the Medina of Tunis. Many scholars have been engaged in the manufacture of sheshia in Tunisia and John D. Latham18, Sophie L. Ferchiou19 or Valensi20, demonstrating the value their contribution Moorish revival and new development in the seventeenth century.
Pottery also has a Moorish tradition in Tunisia. Moorish contribution consisted of a renewal of the subjects treated with bright colors. The Andalusian motifs are also present in the pictorial decoration of ceilings, friezes, walls and patios.
The architectural renovation that met the stated capital in the construction of lavish homes, some with patios, marble, stucco and tile, fountains and gardens accused Al-Andalus. Jacques Revault a description of these palacios21, citing Haddad Dar, Dar-Balma, Dar el-Asfuri, Dar Kastalli and many others.
Improvements in agricultural land were very noticeable. All who have occupied the country of Tunisia, historians, geographers and travelers have noted the great contribution it vital that marked the arrival of many thousands of peasants experts renewed irrigation techniques, planted fruit trees and gave a great impetus to certain crops, especially horticulture and jardinería22. The most notable contribution is the planting of olive and orange trees Spain23 well developed plantations.
Indeed, the wars in Tunisia accelerated the destruction of all ancient Roman plantations. The Moors took these lands to animate and provide them with new plantings of English origin. Suddenly the regions took the look of an authentic English region. The Moors introduced new production techniques as the original installation of an irrigation system, ditches, linear and more orderly plantations, tree pruning and grafting, particularly in the valley dela Medjerda and Cap Bon.
other hand introduced a specific irrigation system transporting water from the slopes vecinas hasta los pequeños aguaduchos que desembocaban en las plantaciones. En Soliman cavaron pozos para la irrigación de los olivares alejados de los ríos. Allí se daban excelentes cosechas.
En el siglo XVIII todavía los pueblos de origen español eran florecientes, aunque hoy están decaídos y la huella hispánica tiende a borrarse. Sigue siendo fuerte en algunos como Testur, situado en el valle del Medjerda, que, teniendo las tierras más fértiles de Túnez, se encontraba a la llegada de los moriscos entregado al pastoreo y, a lo sumo, al cultivo extensivo de cereales. Ellos introdujeron cultivos irrigados en las llanuras bajas, leguminosas y cereales en las tierras de secano situadas a media altitud, reserving the highest for the forest.
consciousness of his individuality and its superiority allowed them to maintain relatively pure ethnicity and folklore for a long tiempo24 group. The Moors who arrived after 1609 were more Hispanicized and were difficult to integrate into Tunisian society and disrupt early in its urban aspects. Inbreeding was widespread among them: a French traveler reports that the Moorish women preferred to remain single than marry a Bedouin. Were working, clever, intelligent and good housewives. They were conscious of belonging to a superior and more civilized world.
According to the testimony of Juan de TERP, he asked a friend submit a Moorish woman before being transferred to Algiers because he thinks that women were more skilled Aragonese household chores that the Algerian, "he has asked to locate a Moorish woman to pass him to Algiers serve and marry her because of there not succeed in serving or cooking such as here '25.
also revolutionized the Moorish Tunisian sartorial tradition of the time. Aznar Cardona, a tireless critic of the Moors made a very detailed description in 1612 of the Moorish woman at the time of the expulsion and said the following:
"With your jewelry, large silver medallions resting on its chest, hanging from his neck, chains, necklaces, earrings, bracelets, coral reefs, a thousand concoctions and a thousand colors in their dresses, as if they wanted to hide something from the suffering of his heart "26.
And later adds:
"... well, each has more gold than others have of flow in the richest stores, and luck, the smallest things are decorated with the queen of this land had not before our arrival and have left these things hazernos damage, because envy is an animal Benen "27.
Today, many customs of the Tunisian women are originally from Moorish times. The more affluent tend to have servants to handle household chores and children and they spend their time fulfilling social obligations, meetings, visits, family ceremonies or often spend evenings in the bathroom, washing and chatting with friends. Are equally good wives and most of the time are subject to marido28. On Friday evening I go to the mosque or the zawiyya to spend some time with some friends accompanied by their children when they are young.
Others are engaged in some manual work all day knitting, embroider or spin. In many regions, particularly in the Alia and Qal-el-Andalus women continue with the original Moorish dress consisting of a brightly colored gown with wide sleeves, preferiblemente amarillo, verde o azul29. Casi todas salen a la calle con la almalafa tejida de lana, muy similar a la que aparece en los grabados contemporáneos de moriscas de Weiditz o Heylan. Usan los antiguos productos naturales a base de plantas para pintarse de la misma manera que las moriscas (gustan, por ejemplo, de llevar lunares). En cuanto a la joyería, en Túnez las mujeres llevan todavía las arracadas en las orejas y pulseras a la morisca (Chnachen).
En cuanto al arte culinario, casi toda la comida tunecina actual saca su origen de la época morisca30. Un buen número de platos datan del siglo XVII. Los moriscos introdujeron los platos agridulces a base de frutas, nueces y almendras. Muchos platos son preparados a base de harina, sémola y de carne. Hoy en día en Túnez capital, preparan «basabán», (mazapán), «cunfit» (confite), menteque» (manteca), «limún», (limón), «kullares» (collares de longaniza de cordero), la «oja», la (olla). En la cocina de procedencia andaluza entran platos de carne condimentados con abundantes especias y confituras hechas a base de harina miel o azúcar. Otras recetas son totalmente andaluzas como las empanadas (banadj). El tema de la gastronomía «morisca» merecería un estudio detallado, pues muchos platos tienen un discutido origen andalusí o morisco, particularmente en la capital del país.
Even today, physically, Andalusian, Tunisian descent is different from the indigenous features of his physiognomy and the light color of his skin and show some pride in their Andalusian origin. The use of English and Valencia have already been lost, but there are still plenty of material details, customs and family names that recall its origin such as personal names, family Chebil Seville Merichcou of Morisco, Cordoba Kortbi , Gharnati of Granada, Valencia and Saracosti Balanzi Zaragoza, Zbiss (Llopis), harvest (saffron), Xátiva Játiva, Tage (Tajo), Taruel (Teruel), Soria, Sordu Deaf, Sancho, Zaragusti, Rachico, Ricardun , Cabadu, Pérez, Pintur, Negro, Al-Munakabi (Almuñécar), Merquicu, Merichco, Méndez, Menara, Medina, Marcu, Manacho, Malaki, Kuinka, Kristu, Jhaín (Jaén), Ichbili, (Sevilla), Huiski (Huesca), Herrera, Harrús, Harabún, Garnata (Granada), García, Galantu, Cortubi (Córdoba), Castali (Castilla), Caravaca, Cantalán, (catalán), Buguerra, Blanco, Betis, Benavides, Bekil, Barin, Bantur, Balma (Palma), Arruich, (Ruiz), Andulsi, (andalusí), Alicanti, (Alicante). etc...
En algunas regiones fundadas por los moriscos, las fachadas de ladrillo de sus casas recuerdan al mudéjar aragonés, and conical tops of the minarets towers Toledo and Burgos. In Testour, one of the most curious peculiarities of their homes is that there are doors that are decorated with drawings cruciform nails. These same drawings found in some houses in the Medina of Tunis to differentiate the new Christian Indians migrated from the country.
Some of their customs spent the rest of the population. For example the clubs in the deck are called Tunisian dinar (gold), bastun (clubs), Esbat (sword) and kub (cups). Among the thousands of legal and commercial documents from the archives of the French consulate in Tunis, whose starting date is 1582, Mikel de Epalza found 246 references a moriscos, ilustrativos de sus actividades profesionales y también de su nivel de instrucción, pues se comprueba que su grado de alfabetización era superior al de los demás musulmanes. Algunos firmaban con caracteres latinos muchos años después de la expulsión. Los moriscos revolucionaron la vida económica tunecina y estuvieron en el origen de un gran florecimiento económico y cultural31.
Su época brillante en Túnez parece llegar hasta 1650. La segunda mitad del siglo es de estancamiento: las autoridades no les eran tan propicias, los impuestos llegaron a ser excesivos. En el siglo XVIII el grupo ya estaba amenazado de disgregación y asimilación, excepto en ciertos lugares donde formaban mayorías compactas como en la localidad de Testur. En el exilio, los moriscos, aunque inmersos en un medio arábigo-musulmán, continuaron escribiendo literatura española, porque la mayoría de ellos hablaban español y no eran capaces de escribir en árabe con soltura. Oliver Asín cita, entre otros escritores, a Abd al-Karim ben Ali Pérez, que en 1615 escribió una apología del Islam, incluyendo una diatriba, muy comprensible, contra la Inquisición y sus miembros; al morisco toledano Juan Pérez, que al establecerse en Testur tomó el nombre de Ibrahim Taibili y escribió poesía renacentista al estilo de Castilla. Un curioso pasaje de este escritor parece demostrar que conoció el Quijote en una edición hoy perdida. Se conservan también no pocas obras anónimas, la mayoría de contenido religioso, pero algunas inspiradas en la literatura castellana y así circulaban romances y poesías de Garcilaso, Góngora y Lope. Según Oliver Asín, Túnez fue la capital intelectual de todos los moriscos del Magreb. Allí se leían obras procedentes de Argel, como las poesías de Ibrahim de Bolfad, y de Marruecos, como la «Apología contra la ley cristiana» de Muhammad Alguazir, morisco de Pastrana.
Esta supremacía literaria de Túnez refleja, sin duda, la mejor acogida y más favorables condiciones de establecimiento que encontraron los moriscos que allí llegaron. Hacia 1720 un viajero defined the descendants of the Moors as "more civil and polite to other people", but "arrogant, harsh and hungry for glory." Seems to still be made on account of this, a joke.
In conclusion, the Moors were the builders of a new world on the other side of the Mediterranean. Tunisian population increased with successive waves of immigration changed the cultural landscape with the support of a new English-language literature written in exile. Field improved with the introduction of new species in plantations, encouraged the growth of small industries and boost trade between different regions; activity very developed in Spain before the expulsion.
Notes:
1. AHN, Inq. leg. 548, No. 1. Alicaxet was a privateer who participated in the organization and development of a conspiracy for a "possible" second revolt in the Peninsula. He had left Spain at age twenty in 1556 to settle in Muscovy. He established close friendship with the king of Algiers, and participated in the Battle of Lepanto as part of the Ottoman navy. Alicaxet parade was dedicated to selling Christian captives in Algiers, was plundering ships and helping new Christians to move across the Mediterranean at a time when they were forbidden to leave the peninsula.
2. For more details on the relationship of the Moors and the Ottoman Empire see: Boronat and Barrachina, Pascual: The English Moors and their expulsion, Valencia, 1901; Cardaillac, Louis, "Le Turc, suprême des espoir Morisques" Extrait du Cahier Série Histoire, Tunis, 1974, No. 1, Tome II, pp. 37-46. García Martínez, Sebastián: "Banditry, piracy and control of the Moors in Valencia during the reign of Philip II ', Studies, Valencia, 1972, 1, pp. 85-167; Carrasco, Raphael, "Peril morisque Ottoman et solidarité (La tentative des Morisques of soulèvement des années 1577-1583) ', Revue d'histoire Maghrébine, Tunis, 1982, n° 25-26, págs. 33-50 ; Temimi, Abdeljelil: «Une lettre des Morisques de Grenade au Sultan Suleiman Al-Kanuni en 1541», Revue d Histoire Maghrébine, 1975, 3, págs. 99-106; vincenT, Bernard: «Les bandits morisques en Andalousie au xviè siècle», Revue d’Histoire Moderne et Contemporaine, Paris, Juillet–Septembre 1974, XXI, págs. 389-400.
3. danvila y collado, Manuel: La expulsión de los moriscos españoles, Madrid, 1889, págs. 298-300.
4. lapeyre, Henri: Géographie de l’Espagne morisque, París, 1959, pág. 206.
5. Boronat y Barrachina, Pascual: Op. cit. págs. 304-305.
6. Rojas, Juan Luis de: Relationships of some events prosteros Barbary, Lisbon, 1612, f. 24-v; Fonseca, Damien: Just expulsion of the Moors from Spain, apostasy and treason instruction delle: and answer the questions that were offered on the field Desta, Rome, 1612, p. .. 272 et seq.
7. Brunschvi G, Robert: The Barbary Hafsides orientale sous les des origins à la fin du XVe siècle, tome 2, Paris, 1947.
8. Ibid.
9. Pignon, Jean, "an unpublished document sur la Tunisie au début du xvii siècle", Les Cahiers de Tunisie, Tunis, 1956, 15, pp. 301-326.
10. Epalza, m. of-Petit, A.: Etudes sur les Morisques Andalusian Tunisia, Tunis-Madrid, 1973, pags. 206-209.
11. Ibid.
12. Kress, Hans-Joachim: "Structural Elements" Andalusian "in the genesis of the cultural geography of Tunisia", IBLA, Tunis, 1980, 145 pags. 237-284 ..
13. Bernabé Pons, Luis F., "The Hispano-Moorish Tunisian writer Ibrahim Taybili (Introduction to Literature in Tunisia Moor), Mixtures of Archaeology, Epigraphy and History offered Zbiss Mustapha Slimane Tunis, 2001, pp. 249-272.
14. AHN: Inquisition, Leg. 548 No. 5 (1611) María Alaviat - número 21 (1624) Miguel Alias Amet, No. 13 (September 20 1720m) Amet, slave. Number 21 (1624) Miguel Boris (AMET). Leg. 549 No. 4 (1613) Maria Magdalena - number 13 John Borbay (1620). Leg. 550 No. 7 (1612) Jaime Carroz-number 29 Juan Domingo.
Number 21 (1621) Juan Chaez - No. 24 (1816) Chocor Hamet. Leg. 551 number 16 (1612) Francisco Felipe - No. 8 (1624) Jerome Farrach - 12 (1717) Juan Bautista Ferrer. Leg. 552 No. 34 (1611) Processing of Mary Tigir-number 22 (1612) Angela Malech, No. 2 (1613) Angela Mariana, No. 18 (1613) Jaime Cahat.
Leg. 553 Number 24 (1616-1621) Francisco Perez (Ali) - number 27 Box 2 Gil Perez (1582). Leg. 555 number 17 (1621) Christopher Socaltre. Leg. 556 12 (1621) Jerome Verge. Leg. 844 No. 23 (1614) Mary Jane Jerome.
15. Epalza, Mikel from: The Moriscos before and after the expulsion, Madrid, 1992.
16. Serna, Alfonso de la: Images of Tunisia, London: Institute for Cooperation with the Arab World, 1990, pg. 249.
17. Teyssier, Paul, "Le vocabulaire d'origine espagnole dans l'industrie tunisienne of sheshia" Epalza-Petit: Op.cit., Pg. 308.
18. Latham, John D, "Contribution à l’Étude de l’émigration andalouse et à sa place dans l’histoire de la Tunisie», Ibídem, p. 21.
19. Ferchiou, Sophie: Technique et société: la fabrication de la chéchia en Tunisie, Paris, 1971.
20. valensi, Lucette: «Islam et capitalisme: production et commerce des chéchias en Tunisie et en France aux xviiie et xixe siècles», Revue d’histoire moderne et contemporaine, Paris, 1969, XVII, págs. 376-400.
21. revaulT, Jacques: Palais et demeures de Tunis (xvi-xviie siècles), Paris, 1967.
22. valensi, Lucette: Fellahs tunisiens. L´économie rurale et la vie des campagnes aux 18è-19è siècles, Paris, 1977, pags. 103-104.
23. Hedi Cherif, Mohamed: "Ownership of olive trees in the Sahel from the early eighteenth than the nineteenth century", Proceedings of the 1st Congress of history and civilization of the Maghreb, Tunis, 1978, pags. 209-252.
24. Dachraoui, Farhat, "About the cultural reality of the Moriscos in Tunisia", in The Echo of the fall of Granada in European culture the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, in Proceedings of the Symposium of Tunis, Tunis, 1994, pág. 60.
25. AHN: Inq. Libro 964, f. 359.
26. Bahri, Raja: "Wandering of the Moors in the Mediterranean, after the expulsion of 1609," The Africa in the seventeenth century, Myths and Reality, Proceedings of the VIIth International Conference Centre Dating on the eighteenth century, Tübingen, 2003, pp. 189-201.
27. Ibid. p. 201.
28. Fournel-Guerin, Jacqueline, "The Moorish woman in Aragon", in The Moors and their time in Paris: ed. CNRS, 1983, pág. 525.
29. Sugier, Clemence: "Ornaments traditional Tunisian women compared to those of English Islam" Studies on the Andalusian Moriscos, Tunis, 1983, pags. 179-193.
30. Harzallah, Fatima: "Women Tunisian and Andalusian influence," in The Echo of the fall of Granada in the culture xvii européenne et aux XVIe siècles, Tunis, 1994.
JOURNAL OF MODERN HISTORY No. 27 (2009) (pp. 265-276) ISSN: 0212-5862
Raja Bahri Yassine, University of Manouba (Tunisia)
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